By Olivia B. Waxman, May 22, 2020
Peter Nena please use the admin@RH address.
Throughout the pages of Realhistoryww, we try to remind readers of just exactly who are the people we are talking about. It is the Southern Albino (wherever they may be): they are violent lying degenerates. But first let us bannish a lie created by one of our own. The term African-American has crept steadily into the nation's vocabulary since 1988, when the Rev. Jesse Jackson held a news conference to urge Americans to use it to refer to blacks. "It puts us in our proper historical context," Jackson said then, adding in a recent interview that he still favored the term. "Every ethnic group in this country has a reference to some land base, some historical cultural base. African-Americans have hit that level of cultural maturity."
But the fact is that FEW Black Americans could actually be Afro-Americans; when we consider that only 308,005 African Slaves were actually landed in North America (Mexico to Canada).
Afro-American becomes an issue because these stories of Black history are mainly compiled by Albinos who use the term Afro-American. This pathetic icon of Civil War "Colored Troops" is added to show that Blacks were mainly called Colored, Negro, Black. The thought to equate them to Africans occurred to nobody except Jesse Jackson over 130 years after the last Black native American Slave was freed. Poor Jesse, the Albinos telling our story told him that we were Africans/Foreigners: and as such, had NO CLAIM TO THE LAND; and he believed them. Today we ask for reparations instead of our land Back; and it never occurs to us to ask who are those people claiming to be "Indians" the native people of the Americas. They are the Albino mans Mulattoes, no natural humans look like that. Please see our Belize page for clarifications: Click>>
Martin Robison Delany (May 6, 1812 – January 24, 1885) was an African-American abolitionist, journalist, physician, soldier, and writer, and arguably the first proponent of black nationalism. Delany is credited with the Pan-African slogan of "Africa for Africans." Born as a free person of color in Charles Town, Virginia, now West Virginia (not Charleston, West Virginia) and raised in Chambersburg and Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, Delany trained as a physician's assistant. During the cholera epidemics of 1833 and 1854 in Pittsburgh, Delany treated patients, even though many doctors and residents fled the city out of fear of contamination. In this period, people did not know how the disease was transmitted.
Delany traveled in the South in 1839 to observe slavery firsthand. Beginning in 1847, he worked alongside Frederick Douglass in Rochester, New York to publish the North Star. In 1850, Delany was one of the first three black men admitted to Harvard Medical School, but all were dismissed after a few weeks because of widespread protests by white students.
Delany dreamed of establishing a settlement in West Africa. He visited Liberia, a United States colony founded by the American Colonization Society, and lived in Canada for several years, but when the American Civil War began, he returned to the United States. When the United States Colored Troops were created in 1863, he recruited for them. Commissioned as a major in February 1865, Delany became the first African-American field grade officer in the United States Army.
Another Wiki article: American Colonization Society (ACS), originally known as the The Society for the Colonization of Free People of Color of America, was founded in 1816 by Robert Finley to encourage and support the migration of free African Americans to the continent of Africa. The African-American community and abolitionist movement overwhelmingly opposed the project. In most cases, African Americans' families had lived in the United States for generations, and their prevailing sentiment was that they were no more African than white Americans were European. Contrary to stated claims that emigration was voluntary, many African Americans, both free and enslaved, were pressured into emigrating. Indeed, enslavers sometimes manumitted their slaves on condition that the freedmen leave the country immediately.
According to historian Marc Leepson, "Colonization proved to be a giant failure, doing nothing to stem the forces that brought the nation to Civil War." Between 1821 and 1847, only a few thousand African Americans, out of the then millions in the US, emigrated to what would become Liberia. Close to half of them died from tropical diseases. In addition, the transportation of the emigrants to the African continent, including the provisioning of requisite tools and supplies, proved very expensive.
THINK ABOUT HOW MANY ASUMPTIONS THESE ALBINOS ARE MAKING ABOUT OUR HISTORY WITHOUT A SHRED OF EVIDENCE. Case in point: Africans for African??? Who in their lives called Slaves AFRICANS? You will find no authentic Civil War era documents referring to Blacks as Africans. Delany was a brilliant man, why would he pursue a fools folly? Later Marcus Garvey tried it, he failed. These are all "Adjusted" stories Albinos tell us about ourselves - with the constant push toward Africa and our abandonment of our homeland, the American continent. Perhaps we deserve it, because of our ignorance and stupidity.
During the Civil War, Charleston’s Confederate planters were forced to turn their beloved racetrack into a prison camp for Union Soldiers. Two hundred fifty seven men died from the deplorable conditions in this outdoor prison camp, and were buried in a mass grave behind the bandstand. In the spring of 1865, the City of Charleston fell to Union soldiers. One of the first actions of the newly emancipated Black American residents of Charleston was to exhume each of these 257 Martyrs of the Race Course and give them a proper burial.
Nowadays, Memorial Day honors veterans of all wars, but its roots are in America’s deadliest conflict, the Civil War. Approximately 620,000 soldiers died, about two-thirds from disease. The work of honoring the dead began right away all over the country, and several American towns claim to be the birthplace of Memorial Day. Researchers have traced the earliest annual commemoration to women who laid flowers on soldiers’ graves in the Civil War hospital town of Columbus, Miss., in April 1866. But historians like the Pulitzer Prize winner David Blight have tried to raise awareness of freed slaves who decorated soldiers’ graves a year earlier, to make sure their story gets told too.
According to Blight’s 2001 book Race and Reunion: The Civil War in American Memory, a commemoration organized by freed slaves and some white missionaries took place on May 1, 1865, in Charleston, S.C., at a former planters’ racetrack where Confederates held captured Union soldiers during the last year of the war. At least 257 prisoners died, many of disease, and were buried in unmarked graves, so black residents of Charleston decided to give them a proper burial. In the approximately 10 days leading up to the event, roughly two dozen Black American Charlestonians reorganized the graves into rows and built a 10-foot-tall white fence around them. An archway overhead spelled out “Martyrs of the Race Course” in black letters.
About 10,000 people, mostly black residents, participated in the May 1 tribute, according to coverage back then in the Charleston Daily Courier and the New York Tribune. Starting at 9 a.m., about 3,000 black schoolchildren paraded around the race track holding roses and singing the Union song “John Brown’s Body,” and were followed by adults representing aid societies for freed black men and women. Black pastors delivered sermons and led attendees in prayer and in the singing of spirituals, and there were picnics. James Redpath, the white director of freedman’s education in the region, organized about 30 speeches by Union officers, missionaries and black ministers. Participants sang patriotic songs like “America” and “We’ll Rally around the Flag” and “The Star-Spangled Banner.” In the afternoon, three white and black Union regiments marched around the graves and staged a drill.
The New York Tribune described the tribute as “a procession of friends and mourners as South Carolina and the United States never saw before.” The gravesites looked like a “one mass of flowers” and “the breeze wafted the sweet perfumes from them” and “tears of joy” were shed. This tribute, “gave birth to an American tradition,” Blight wrote in Race and Reunion: “The war was over, and Memorial Day had been founded by Black Americans in a ritual of remembrance and consecration.”
In 1996, Blight stumbled upon a New York Herald Tribune article detailing the tribute in a Harvard University archive — but the origin story it told was not the Memorial Day history that many white people had wanted to tell, he argues. About 50 years after the Civil War ended, someone at the United Daughters of the Confederacy asked the Ladies Memorial Association of Charleston to confirm that the May 1, 1865, tribute occurred, and received a reply from one S.C. Beckwith: “I regret that I was unable to gather any official information in answer to this.” Whether Beckwith actually knew about the tribute or not, Blight argues, the exchange illustrates “how white Charlestonians suppressed from memory this founding.” A 1937 book also incorrectly stated that James Redpath singlehandedly organized the tribute — when in reality it was a group effort — and that it took place on May 30, when it actually took place on May 1. That book also diminished the role of the Black Americans involved by referring to them as “black hands which only knew that the dead they were honoring had raised them from a condition of servitude.”
The origin story that did stick involves an 1868 call from General John A. Logan, president of a Union Army veterans group, urging Americans to decorate the graves of the fallen with flowers on May 30 of that year. The ceremony that took place in Arlington National Cemetery that day has been considered the first official Memorial Day celebration. Memorial Day became a national holiday two decades later, in 1889, and it took a century before it was moved in 1968 to the last Monday of May, where it remains today. According to Blight, Hampton Park, named after Confederate General Wade Hampton, replaced the gravesite at the Martyrs of the Race Course, and the graves were reinterred in the 1880s at a national cemetery in Beaufort, S.C. The fact that the freed slaves’ Memorial Day tribute is not as well remembered is emblematic of the struggle that would follow, as Black Americans’ fight to be fully recognized for their contributions to American society continues to this day.
The lying nature of the Albino becomes clearer when we logically test the story above. Don't Albinos leave you believing that The Union Soldiers the Blacks of Charleston South Carolina were caring for were White Soldiers? Think again! See, even when Albinos seem to be helpful, it's only to fool you. Several accounts of these beginnings seek to implant the thought of Black servants showing gratitude to their White saviors. The facts below indicate who Black Carolinians were really Honoring.
According to the revised official data, slightly over two millions troops were in the United States Volunteers, over 316,000 died (from all causes), or 15.2%. Of the 67,000 "Regular Army" (white) troops, 8.6%, or about 6,000, died. Of the approximately 180,000 United States Colored Troops, however, over 36,000 died, or 20.5%. In other words, the mortality rate amongst the United States Colored Troops in the Civil War was thirty-five percent greater than that among other troops, notwithstanding the fact that the former were not enrolled until some eighteen months after the fighting began. Black American soldiers were paid $10 per month, from which $3 was deducted for clothing. White soldiers were paid $13 per month, from which no clothing allowance was deducted. If captured by the Confederate Army, Black American soldiers confronted a much greater threat than did their white counterparts, they might be beaten or murdered.
L.C. indicates that the photo comes from the Library of Congress.
as are ALL photos.
Click here for Video
By Biba Adams, June 3, 2021
Retired Army Lt. Col. Barnard Kemter’s 11-minute speech was quieted in what he thought was a serious technical glitch. An Ohio veteran mentioning the role freed Black people played in the founding of Memorial Day found his speech somewhat silenced during a holiday ceremony this week. Retired Army Lt. Col. Barnard Kemter‘s microphone was cut off while giving the keynote address Monday at Markillie Cemetery in Hudson, Ohio as he began to share a story about how former enslaved Black people were the first to honor deceased Union soldiers after the end of the Civil War, the origins of Memorial Day. For two minutes, Kemter’s 11-minute speech was quieted in what he thought was a technical glitch. However, Cindy Suchan, who was the chairperson of the Memorial Day event sponsored by the Hudson American Legion Auxiliary, confirmed to The Akron Beacon Journal that it was either she or the adjutant of the American Legion Lee-Bishop Post 464, Jim Garrison, who intentionally turned the microphone off at that point. According to the report, when pressed, Suchan would not confirm exactly who cut Kemter’s speech. She told the news outlet Kemter was interrupted because that portion of his speech “was not relevant” to the program. She added that the “theme of the day was honoring Hudson veterans.” Suchan said the Hudson American Legion Auxiliary had previously reviewed Kemter’s speech and had asked him to edit it. She said his microphone was turned off during the parts that he was asked to remove.
Kemter, 77, who is white, said he received compliments on the historical detail in his speech. “It was well-received,” he said, noting that attendees told him they were unaware of the holiday’s origins. “I find it interesting that [the American Legion] … would take it upon themselves to censor my speech and deny me my First Amendment right to [freedom of] speech,” Kemter said. “… This is not the same country I fought for.” In a video of the speech posted to Vimeo, Kemter is seen tapping the microphone and asking for assistance. However, he continues his speech and after the historical portion, it comes back on and remains on.
According to a local report, the audio engineer at the ceremony refused to turn the mic off on Kemter, per Suchan’s request. A.J. Stokes said that instead, he pointed to the knob that controlled the volume. He told the Beacon Journal Garrison did the deed. “That was very improper,” said Stokes. “I would’ve never done something like that.”
Written by park ranger Don Pettijohn
With the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation on January 1, 1863, President Abraham Lincoln changed the course of the America's Civil War between the United States (Union) and the Confederate States (Confederacy). The Proclamation added the abolition of slavery to the preservation of the Union as a goal for the successful Union effort. However, embedded in the Proclamation is a paragraph that also irrevocably changed the course of the war and America's military: "And I further declare and make known, that such persons of suitable conditions, will be received into the armed service of the United States to garrison forts, positions, stations, and other places, and to man vessels of all sorts in said service." The Union was now committed to the use of Black American soldiers and sailors to prosecute the remainder of the war.
In 1862, Union and Confederate military representatives agreed on the Dix-Hill Cartel as the way to handle prisoners of war. The cartel agreement provided for parole first and exchange second. Under the cartel, a prisoner had to sign a parole agreement that he would not go back in ranks and return to fighting until he had been exchanged. A paroled prisoner might be given a pass that enabled him to return to his respective side. However, most prisoners were taken to check points and handed back to their respective side. Prisoners were usually back with their troops when the exchange took place. Both sides kept list of prisoners who had been paroled and then representatives would meet to go over the lists. The exchange was man for man and rank for rank. However, the cartel provided for a mathematical formula to handle all the odd numbers. For example one general was worth sixty privates.
In 1863, when the Union started using Black American troops the parole and exchange process broke down. The Union insisted that all prisoners, Black and white, be treated the same for exchange purposes. The Confederacy insisted that the Blacks be treated as runaway slaves and returned to their owners. Generals Robert E. Lee and Ulysses Grant revisited this issue in October 1864 during the siege of Petersburg: Lee wrote to Grant, "negroes belonging to our citizens are not considered subjects of exchange," and Grant answered, "I have to state the government is bound to secure to all persons received into her armies the rights due soldiers. This being denied by you in the persons of such men as have escaped from Southern masters induces me to decline making the exchanges you ask." When the parole and exchange process broke down in 1863 the Confederacy was forced to move the multitude of Union prisoners it was holding in Richmond, VA, farther away from the battlefront. After examining several sites in South Georgia, the Confederate military located a suitable spot at Andersonville Station for Camp Sumter.
The stockade at Camp Sumter to hold Union prisoners was constructed during the winter of 1863-64 and opened February 25. Would Andersonville receive Black POWs and how would they be treated? The battle of Olustee, 50 miles west of Jacksonville, FL, on February 20, 1864, would quickly answer that question. The two forces met about 50 miles west of Jacksonville on February 20 at Olustee or Ocean Pond. The Confederacy prevailed in the one day battle. Union losses were 1861 compared to just 961 for the Confederacy. Among the Union losses were a number of Black Americans taken prisoner who would soon be headed to Andersonville.
WE WILL NOT BOTHER WITH THIS CRACKERS LIES AND OBFUSCATIONS CONCERNING BLACK DEATHS AT ANDERSONVILLE.
Continuing: The number of months the Black Americans were held at Andersonville is quite long. The prisoners captured at Ouster were brought to Camp Sumter fairly quickly. Boggle states he arrived March 14. Jennings arrived in February or March. Maddox said he arrived April 1. Dyer and Maddox testified that their stays ended February 2, 1865. The earliest deaths for Black Americans were in April 1864 and the latest were in February 1865. Black American prisoners were probably not transferred out in September of 1864 when 18,000 others were moved to other prisons. There were Black Americans at Andersonville. There were Black Americans who died at Andersonville. There were 12,920 Americans, Black and white, who died at Andersonville. Here is this cracker rangers' excuse for murder: Quote - "However, there would have been no Andersonville if the Union had not insisted that all prisoners, Black and white, be treated the same for exchange purposes." This was written in 2006, these Albinos are still murderous and sick.
In March 1864, Confederate Major General Nathan Bedford Forrest (1821-77) launched a cavalry raid in western Tennessee and Kentucky that was aimed at destroying Union supply lines and capturing federal prisoners. On the morning of April 12, Forrest’s force, estimated at 1,500 to 2,500 troops, quickly surrounded the fort. When the fort’s commander, Union Maj. Lionel Booth, was killed by a Confederate sniper’s bullet, the second in command, Major William Bradford took control. By 3:30 pm, Forrest demanded surrender from the Union troops. Bradford, hoping for reinforcements from Union boats arriving by the Mississippi River, called for a one-hour cease fire.
Forrest, however, spotted Union boats approaching and sent men to block the possible reinforcements. Then he declared his troops would storm the fort in 20 minutes—which they did, meeting little meaningful resistance.
While Major Bradford fled toward the Mississippi, most of the Union garrison surrendered, and thus should have been taken as prisoners of war. But Confederate and Union witness accounts attest that some 300 soldiers were gunned down by the Confederate forces, the majority of them black. The Confederate refusal to treat these soldiers as traditional POWs infuriated the North, and led to the Union’s refusal to participate in prisoner exchanges.
Union survivors’ accounts, later supported by a federal investigation, concluded that Black American troops were massacred by Forrest’s men after surrendering. Southern accounts disputed these findings. Forrest, himself, claimed that he and his troops had done nothing wrong and that the Union men were killed because Bradford had refused to surrender. Controversy over the battle continues today. The Fort Pillow site is now a Tennessee state park.
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