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American Indian Phenotypes



In genetics, the phenotype is the set of observable characteristics or traits of an organism. The term covers the organism's morphology (physical form and structure), its developmental processes, its biochemical and physiological properties, its behavior, and the products of behavior. An organism's phenotype results from two basic factors: the expression of an organism's genetic code (its genotype) and the influence of environmental factors. Both factors may interact, further affecting the phenotype.


For well over a hundred years now, Americas Albinos have cultivated a scenario wherein the indigenous people of the Americas were some BROWN Skinned, Caucasian or Mongol looking people who also bought African Slaves or at the very least ACCEPTED “Runaway” Slaves into their Tribes. And all Negroid Blacks in the Hemisphere are derived from African Slaves. The falsity of that Albino Fantasy tale is demonstrated in our Original Paper “Indigenous Peoples”. This is the addendum to that page called “Indian Phenotypes”. Rather than presenting data and written sources to deconstruct those Albino lies and nonsense, here we simply play “Show and Tell”.


Right-away lets address the implication of the Indian tribes map below, that being that Indians - American and Asian - are naturally some sort of "Red Skinned" or Brown Skinned people. That is pure Albino fabrication. Natural Healthy Humans only come ONE way as far as skin color goes - that is BLACK! Brown and Yellow complexions came about because of admixture with WHITE SKINNED Blacks who have the disease of Albinism. Thus, the concept of Red Skin is the result of Albinism, Albino fantasy, or Albino ill health. Right now we are concerned with the Albino habit of calling Black American Indians ("Red-Men"). Of course one reason is that it's just so they don't have to acknowledge the Indians Blackness, being White Skinned has made the Albinos very sensitive about skin color.


Healthy Humans don't come in this color
Healthy Humans don't come in this color
Only when humans have health issues do they come like this - Sunburn.
Only when humans have health issues do they come like this - Albinism.
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So where did the Albino custom of calling Indians "RED MEN" come from?
Actually it's just a cruel Albino Joke and Play on words: As we know Indian BLOOD IS RED,
and after an Indians Scalp has been REMOVED for Bounty, that red Indian blood tends to stain the entire body RED!
Darn Blood gets on everything.

<< Click here for Professor Dunbar-Ortiz essay on settler Indian eradication efforts >>


Caution - Caution - Caution


By-the-way, we must caution you that if you actually click the link and read Professor Dunbar-Ortiz essay, you will then be officially "WOKE". And as such, you will no longer be welcomed in the state of Florida by order of the governor of Florida Ronald DeSantis.  The governor does not want anyone telling "True History" in Florida, that would mean Albino Children learning about the terrible things their Parents, Grandparents, Great grandparents, Great, great, grandparents etc, etc. did to other human beings purely for the sake of conquest and unbridled greed. As the governor has said many times "Florida is where "WOKE" goes to die".



Note: Woke is an adjective derived from African-American Vernacular
English meaning "alert to racial prejudice and discrimination".


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Does DeSantis aggressive racism seem out of place to you? In the recent past these kind of Albinos tried to hide their racism. But since Trump they have grown ever more aggressive in spewing their venom. Funny thing, though Trump is their catalyst, and they worship him, he is not really one of them. Donald Trump is a selfish, talentless, useless, pampered, son of a modestly Rich New York Man. The only skill he ever developed was "Grifting",  he would, and did, cheat everybody. Though useless, he was nonetheless smart enough to see that if he said the right hate things against the right people, he could build an army of degenerate lunatic Albinos who would follow him through hell and high water. Ronald DeSantis, governor of Florida, is now trying the same thing.







What is the meaning of Breed? In biology: a group of animals or plants presumably related by descent from common ancestors and visibly similar in “most” characters but NOT all. Compare characters of Pit Bull Terriers and Poodles – one of the most intelligent dog breeds.

What is the meaning of “Creed”. The answer - a set of beliefs or aims which guide someone's actions. The term is usually restricted to declarations within the Christian faith and is especially associated with churches of the Protestant Reformation. Ah yes Protestants: Most Blacks in the U.S. are Protestants, not by choice, but simply because the Conquered or Enslaved has no choice but to accept and practice the religion of the Master. To their credit Black Americans have made changes to Protestantism which makes it their own. Apparently not so with  Catholicism, it seems Spanish speaking Blacks, and especially Mulattoes, accepted the religion of the Spanish and Portuguese in totality.

Ever wonder why Albino evangelicals (Protestants - supposedly the “Good” people) sanctioned  the killing of Abortion Doctors when abortion wasn't even initially something they cared about? It was originally a CATHOLIC issue, but when evangelical preachers saw that it could be a used to gain power, all of a sudden evangelicals became the leaders of the antiabortion movement.

Have you ever heard of them supporting women they forced to give birth? They routinely lie about whatever will give them advantage. Their supreme court justices lied while being questioned for confirmation; Chief Justice Roberts repeatedly declined to comment on Roe beyond saying he believed it was "settled as a precedent of the court." Meaning that it was PERMANANT LAW! Those who voted to strike down “Roe” said similar things. The majority opinion, authored by Justice Samuel Alito, was joined by Justices Clarence Thomas, Neil Gorsuch, Brett Kavanaugh, and Amy Coney Barrett. 

As is clear, these people have no creed; they don't believe in “Freedom” except for themselves, they don't believe in “Democracy” as evidenced by their love of Putin and Trump, and they certainly don't believe in “Truth and Justice” as evidenced by all their lies and the things they try to do to deny justice to everybody else. To those who wonder what is going on - it all makes sense if you know who they really are – what is their “Breed”.

These are the “Same” people (genetically- their Breed) who sacrificed 258,000 of their soldiers to keep Blacks - Indians and Africans – enslaved. They are also the same people who tricked some of their former Black leaders in Europe into supporting them, and the new religion they had just created “Protestantism” against the “Holy Roman Empire” and the standard Black religion of Catholicism in the “Thirty Years War” (1618 to 1648). The result of that War was an Albino win and the eventual taking of power World-Wide by Albinos.

We don't know why this breed of Albinos are so hateful and violent, we thought that they just hated Blacks, or because they feared the given the chance, Blacks would take revenge for what happened in Europe. But the thing is that if there are no Blacks around, they will turn their hate onto the Spicks, and if there are no Spicks around, they will turn their hate onto the Chinks. But all the while, if you pay close attention, what they really want is to be away from the Niggers, Spicks, and Chinks. And there we see what is really bothering this breed of Albinos; they fear that they cannot compete on level ground with the Niggers, Spicks and Chinks, so they make war on them in the hopes of defeating them and driving them away, like they did in Europe with Blacks.

Joy Reid and Sherrilyn Ifill discuss this new bold "Activism" of this particular Breed of Albinos.

MSNBC anchor Joy Reid interviews Sherrilyn Ifill who is an American lawyer and the Vernon E. Jordan, Jr., Esq.
Endowed Chair in Civil Rights at Howard University. She is a law professor and former president and director-counsel
of the NAACP Legal Defense Fund. She was the Legal Defense Fund's seventh president since Thurgood Marshall founded the organization in 1940.


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<< Click here to watch the video of the interview >>




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The Protestant Reformation was a religious reform movement that swept through Europe in the 1500s. After the race and religion wars that began in 1618, it resulted in the creation of a branch of Christianity called Protestantism, a name used collectively to refer to the many religious groups that separated from the Roman Catholic Church as a result of the wars.

A majority of Protestants are members of a handful of Protestant denominational families; Adventists, Anabaptists, Anglicans, Episcopalians, Baptists, Calvinist, Reformed, Lutherans, Methodists, Moravians, Plymouth Brethren, Presbyterians, and Quakers. Nondenominational, charismatic and independent churches constitute a significant part of Protestantism.

Under the heading:

“Never take an Albinos word as truth – ever. These are small things but telling: How ridicules and sad is it that the U.S. Greatest Civil Rights leader and Baptist Minister, was named after a Catholic priest and one of the founding architects of the Usurpation of Black power in Europe, and the Enslavement and Indenture of millions of Black Europeans in the Americas – Martin Luther.
                                            





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Muhammad Ali was an American professional boxer and activist. Nicknamed "The Greatest", he is regarded as one of the most significant sports figures of the 20th century and is often regarded as the greatest heavyweight boxer of all time.

No doubt Turk Albinos suggested this name to Cassius. They understood that he was desperate to throw off all trappings of the Albinos. Not wanting to go the "X" way of Malcolm, he decided on a Muslim name, not understanding that for several hundred years Turks - not Arabs - were the masters of Islam, and had stained it well with their sins. No way he understood who this Muhammad Ali was as an individual.

Perhaps it would have been cruel to mention this while he was alive, but he ALREADY had a Black name!

Cassius Marcellus is a ROMAN name, Romans were BLACK people. Just like the original people EVERYWHERE were Black people. He, like most of you, believed the Albinos when they told you that they were original Europeans.




<< This is a link to the primary page “Indigenous Americans”.>>
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As we continue down this page you will be introduced to old pictures of American Indians.
These "REAL" Indians don't look anything like what Albino media has "Programmed" you to believe that American Indians looked like.
Rather, what we see today is Albinos faking as Indians, and their "One Drop of Indian Blood" Mulattoes lending them credibility.




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Below we itemize the various types of American Indians,
but right now we are only concerned with the Black Skinned Dravidian type Indian.




This is a route map of the first Humans as they left Africa to populate the rest of the World. Note that their first movement was to cross the Southern Arabian Peninsula and enter India. This new analysis places that time at 90 - 120,000 years ago. The latest research places Humans entering the Western Hemisphere (the Americas) at 120 - 150,000 years ago.
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The "Out of Africa" model of early human migration and dispersal is outdated. As a new survey of research on the subject confirms, humans left Africa in waves, not in a single exodus.

In the new survey, published this week in the journal Science, researchers at the Max Planck Institute for the Science of Human History in Germany and the University of Hawai'i at Manoa detail early human evolution revelations reported from Asia over the last decade.




Many of those first Humans to enter India were Black Skinned Caucasoids we call Dravidians;
they look like this.





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These Indian photographs - Asian and American - are in Black and White because “Color” photography, first tried in the 1860-70s, was not viable, until, albeit in a limited way, the Autochrome Lumičre process in 1907. There were many other tries at color photography, but none were commercially successful. Beginning in the 1960s, Kodak's Kodachrome, along with other film brands, had begun to establish a presence in the market, but they were still much more expensive than standard black and white film. By the 1970s, prices were down enough to make color photography accessible to the masses.



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You will notice that some "REAL" American Indians look just like these Asian Indians, which is of course natural since they are all Africans. But it is a bother in our understanding of history; whereas Dravidians and the Mongol phenotype Humans left "EAST" Africa, American Indians, some with the same phenotype, left "WEST" Africa. Accompanying the Black Dravidians was their Albinos, who if for no other reason, left Africa to escape the Heat and Strong Sunshine. This is what the Sun will do to Albinos.



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So finding that India was just as bad as Africa for their White Skin, the Albinos headed North across the Hindu Kush mountain range and entered Central Asia. There they stayed for, (we have no clue as to how long). But owing to there being none but other Albinos to "Mate" with, when they left Central Asia at circa 1,500 B.C. the Albinos were now a "RACE" onto themselves. Their first stop was India where the Albinos made War on their Creators - the Dravidians. They managed to push the Dravidians into South India, and instituted policies of Racial subjection and discrimination. Today World Travelers, including Albinos, denounce India as the most Racist country in the World.



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This sort of thing really Pisses India's Albinos off.





Origins and Histories of Certain U.S. Indian Tribes



But first a clarification of exactly Who and What these so-called
"Indians" are or were. Quite simply they are/were Black Skinned Humans
of Negroid, Caucasoid, and Mongoloid phenotypes.



Definitions from The American HeritageŽ Dictionary of the English Language, 5th Edition.


Mongoloid:
adjective Of or being a human racial classification traditionally distinguished by physical characteristics such as Yellowish-Brown skin, straight black hair, dark eyes with epicanthic folds, and prominent cheekbones and including peoples indigenous to central and eastern Asia. No longer in scientific use.

Caucasian:
:adjective Of or relating to a racial group having light-colored skin; white. adjective Of or being a human racial classification distinguished especially by very light to brown skin and straight to wavy or curly hair, and including peoples indigenous to Europe, northern Africa, western Asia, and parts of South Asia. No longer in scientific use. adjective Of or relating to the Caucasus region or its peoples, languages, or cultures. adjective Of or relating to a group of three language families spoken in the region of the Caucasus mountains, including Chechen, Abkhaz, and the Kartvelian languages. noun A person having light-colored skin; a white person. noun A member of the Caucasian racial classification. No longer in scientific use. noun A native or inhabitant of the Caucasus.

Negroid:

physical characteristics such as brown to black skin and often tightly curled hair and including peoples indigenous to sub-Saharan Africa. No longer in scientific use. from The Century Dictionary. noun An individual of a negroid race, such as those of Micronesia, the Negritos of the Philippine Islands, and the mixed tribes of northeastern Africa. Resembling or akin to the Negroes. Also Negroid. from the GNU version of the Collaborative International Dictionary of English. noun A member of any one of several East African tribes whose physical characters show an admixture with other races. adjective Characteristic of the negro. adjective Resembling the negro or Negroes; of or pertaining to those who resemble the negro. from WordNet 3.0 Copyright 2006 by Princeton University. All rights reserved. noun a person with dark skin who comes from Africa (or whose ancestors came from Africa) adjective characteristic of people traditionally classified as the Negro race. 



Oxford University Press

How Did East Asians Become Yellow?

Abstract

This chapter offers a brief historical intervention explaining the rise of the term yellow for racial thinking about Asians. Using his binomial nomenclature species-naming system, the Swedish taxonomist Carolus Linnaeus separated Homo sapiens into four continental types, with distinct colors assigned to each. Over two decades later the German anatomist Johann Friedrich Blumenbach also classified Asians as yellow in his five-race scheme. Although some early twentieth-century anthropologists claimed to have proven that Mongolians (Asians) were physically yellow in an attempt to place Asians lower than Europeans, the initial categorization of yellow had no visual or biological basis. As Asians continued to refuse to take part in Western systems (Christianity, international trade), Europeans' perceptions of Asians' skin color darkened. Moreover in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth century, the yellow idea began to spread to East Asian cultures themselves.



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Chinese



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CAN ALBINOS EVER “NOT” LIE???


Yellow hued skin is a NATURAL reality for some non-Albino, non-Black Humans.
It generally comes about when Mulattoes produce offspring with other Mulattoes.
As would have happened in North Asia as the supply of pure Blacks dwindled.

Piss colored Nigger or “High Yella” are affectionate slang terms Blacks use to referrer to yellow Hued Mulattoes.

The song “Yellow Rose of Texas” was written by a young Black Man yearning to see his Mulatto
 girlfriend again. Albinos have of course changed the lyrics, so you will need to research the original lyrics.

The Albino submissions above are pure Nonsense of course,
but instructive as you watch Albinos explain their existence,
then watch as they try to explain the existence of their "Creators - Us."
As we say, Black Women make White people on a DAILY basis.



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This Grandmother and Granddaughter are NOT Chinese, they are the San of the Kalahari Desert and south east Africa. They and other Mongol Phenotype Africans, mixed with Albinos, are the progenitors of modern Chinese.

CNN-2017: Caught between modernity and 20,000 years as hunter-gatherers, the San people sit at a crossroads. An indigenous people in southern Africa, they are our oldest human ancestors, DNA testing proving the San are direct descendants of the first Homo sapiens. But today their culture, traditions and heritage are at risk of being lost forever.




Quote from above: They and other Mongol Phenotype Africans, mixed with Albinos, are the progenitors of modern Chinese.

Modern Chinese Albino - Note; straight hair is "Recessive" "Nappy" hair is "Normal" in Humans. Albinism often, but not always, straightens hair.
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Just as Caucasian phenotype Albinos do all they can to hide their Black origins, so too do the Mongol phenotype Mulattoes. Obviously
the typical Chinese, Japanese, Korean, etc. does not look like the young Chinese Albino above, that is because they are Mulattoes NOT
Albinos, they are the "Product" of the Black settlers of north Asia (the Jomon and Ainu) and their Albinos.


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This old man and his granddaughter show you how it all works.


But we have something better!

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Notice that Kublai Khan is "Pale" but his wife is a "Pure" Albino.
Those Chinese Albinos admixing with the
original Black Chinese (like the horseman) produced todays "Yellow" Chinese.

           
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The Chinese like all Mulatto people, jealously guard their closeness to White; they view themselves as weak,
therefore the closer they get to the people with power (Albinos), the more powerful they become.


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In the modern era;
when scientists told the Chinese that they came from Africa,
they were mortified, they were outraged. Immediately Chinese
scientists tried to find an alternative evolution for Chinese people.

In 1923–27 during excavations at Zhoukoudian China, near Beijing (formerly "Peking")
 bones were found from a ~750,000 year old Humanoid dubbed "Peking Man". Many people,
including some Chinese, claimed that the Chinese people descended from this Peking Man;
 who in fact was actually a Homo-Erectus.

In response, in 2001, many of the worlds leading genetic researchers produced a study
which clearly showed that the Chinese, like everyone else, descended from Africans.


For those of you who do not believe the above statement;

Here is the Scientific proof to support that statement.


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CNN-2016: A new genomic study has revealed that Aboriginal Australians are the oldest known civilization on Earth, with ancestries stretching back roughly 75,000 years. In a study published in the journal Nature Wednesday, a group of international researchers – including nine Aboriginal leaders – collected genomic data on 83 Aboriginal Australians and 25 Highland Papuans from Papua New Guinea. The findings indicated their ancestors had diverged from Eurasians 57,000 years ago, following a single exodus from Africa around 75,000 years ago.


That "Twang" and the offer of a Shrimp on the Barbi
doesn't sound so charming anymore - does it?

Just standard Albino "Modus Operandi",
that being Racial Atrocities! It must be hard being an Albino.
The same things happened in Europe and the Americas.
The Dravidian Albinos (White Europeans) are
native to Central Asia via Africa and then India.





The Beginning...

Africans first settled the Americas 130-150,000 years ago.

Here is the science to support that statement.

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WE HAVE A NEW PAGE EXPLAINING THE TREK OF THOSE
ANCIENT AFRICANS TO REACH THE AMERICAS 150,000 YEARS AGO.


< Click here to learn how ancient Africans reached the Americas >




Among those founding Africans were Africans of every type,
the only thing they all had in common was "Black Skin".



Here is the science to explain the above.

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Here is the science to support that there was TWO migrations to the Americas.

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Note; Clovis associated genome means the Black Mongol type
Africans who first crossed over to Asia circa 60,000 B.C,
and then crossed over to the Americas by way
of the Bering Straits at circa 12,000 B.C.



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This is what those Early Africans looked like.

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We don't know what color variation there was in these early Africans
 because we don't know when the first Albinos were produced by ancient Africans,
as Albinos have the effect of lightening Black Skin by admixture.


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A good example of the Black Skinned Mongol
American Indian is the Tlingit of Alaska.



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Good examples of Dravidian phenotype Black Skinned
Caucasoid Indians are the Apache and the Sioux.


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These two Black Skinned Dravidian type Indians are of unknown tribes.

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HOWEVER - THERE WAS SOME "CROSSOVER".




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Note: Mongols are found all over the Americas,
however few Pure-Blood Mongols remain today,
just about all show Albino admixture in color and features.


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Black Skinned Negroid phenotype Americans (nappy to curly hair, broad nose-bridge)
 are by far the most numerous Humans in the world and Americans. They are found mostly in the Eastern and
Western United States (the Coasts), plus Central and South America and all over Asia and Oceania.

Oceania is the collective name for the islands scattered throughout most of the Pacific Ocean.
The term, in its widest sense, embraces the entire insular region between Asia and the Americas.
A more common definition excludes the Ryukyu, Kuril, and Aleutian islands and the Japan archipelago.






Canada, North-East, North-Central, U.S.A.

The Algonquians (or Algonkians) are a group of Native American tribes
that traditionally spoke similar languages and had similar ways of life.
The Cree, the Mohican, the Delaware (Lenni Lenape), the Ojibwa, the
Shawnee, and the Algonquin are a few of the many Algonquian tribes.

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The Lenni-Lenape


The “grandfathers” or “ancient ones” as the Lenni-Lenape people are known, were the historic inhabitants of large swaths of the Northeastern United States. Originally occupying parts of New York, New Jersey, Delaware, and Pennsylvania, the Lenape suffered forced migrations and removal to reservations at the hands of European settlers. In fact, prior to the 1600s, the Lenape lived all over the Northeastern woodlands and the Eastern Shore of Maryland, as noted on nanticokelenapemuseum.org. The Lenape trace their lineage to the Nanticoke or “Tidewater People” who resisted British colonial intrusion to the best of their abilities. The name “Nanticoke” references the Nanticoke River on the Eastern Shore of Maryland.

At the time of European contact in the early 1600s, the Lenape were estimated to number over 20,000 people. A powerful and influential tribe, early Dutch settlers sought to establish amicable relations with the Lenape through trade of tools, sugar, firearms, animal pelts, and fabric. Unfortunately, like most early contact between Native Americans and European immigrants, tribespeople were deceived and diminished by unfair trade agreements and the introduction of contagious diseases.



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Dutch traders were established on the banks of the Delaware River by 1623. Swedish and Finnish colonists followed, significantly predating the arrival of German and English travelers in response to the establishment of William Penn’s colony. Familiar with the forests of Northern Europe, the Nordic immigrants cleared woodland in the new territory and introduced the use of the log cabin. What little is known of these early encounters between the Swedes and the Lenape is that both groups were independent, rugged individualists who practiced similar agricultural methods, rotating productive fields of crops along the banks of the Delaware River, according to paheritage.wpengine.com. In contrast, the Dutch were eager to establish business in the New World. They engaged in the trade of land, guns, and beads for beaver pelts. One of the most notorious transactions between the Dutch and the Lenape was the “purchase” of New York City in 1626.

Long before high rise buildings and endless concrete sidewalks, New York City was truly an idyllic island, scattered with hills and marshland and teeming with plant and wildlife. Oak and hickory forests dotted the landscape while black bears, wildcats, beavers, tree frogs, oysters, mink, brook trout, and bog turtles roamed free. In a 2020 New York Times article, ecologist Eric W. Sanderson of the Wildlife Conservation Society, based at the Bronx Zoo, noted that wolves were known to live on Manhattan until the 1720s and whales were an important part of the local ecosystem.

“Mannahatta” (as it was referred to in the Lenape language) was a trading hub for the Lenape bands of tribes who regularly gathered on the island for the exchange of goods. Mannahatta was also the site of Lenape games and musical performances. The native dwellers certainly made use of the plethora of natural resources at their disposal. For example, soaring tulip trees were favored for making canoes and the rich soil and pond water was ideal for cultivating vegetables and oyster estuaries.




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In his poem “Mannahatta,” fabled New York resident Walt Whitman writes:

“I was asking for something specific and perfect for my city,
Whereupon lo! upsprang the aboriginal name.

Now I see what there is in a name, a word, liquid, sane, unruly, musical, self-sufficient, I see that the word of my city is that word from of old, Because I see that word nested in nests of water-bays, superb, Rich, hemm’d thick all around with sailships and steamships, an island sixteen miles long, solid-founded….”

While Whitman paid literary homage to the original inhabitants of Manhattan, the actual transaction that took place between the Dutch and Lenape in 1626 was less equitable.

Many modern-day historians suspect that the Lenape intended the sale to be for the purposes of sharing the island rather than excluding themselves from it.

Two monuments in Manhattan currently stand in acknowledgement of the Lenape. One is in Inwood Hill. The plaque reads, “According to legend, on this site of the principal Manhattan Indian village, Peter Minuit in 1626 purchased Manhattan island for trinkets and beads then worth about 60 guilders.”

The other monument, in Battery Park, was gifted by the Dutch government to the state of New York in 1926. It depicts a Dutch man and Native American standing together. Scholars have criticized the monument for its inaccurate depiction of Lenape dress (the Native American figure is outfitted in Plains Indian garments).

According to thelenapecenter.com, the purchase of the island of Manhattan by the Dutch was quickly reinforced through the construction of a wall around New Amsterdam. This act represented the first time that the Lenape were forced out of their lands at the hands of European immigrants. The wall was constructed in 1660 around what is today known as Wall Street. The passage between Lower Manhattan and Upper Manhattan was a major trade route and cultural hub for the Lenape people.

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Apparently the Delaware (Lenni Lenape)
Indians precipitated the Albino phrase "RedSkin".
 


The Albinos teach that it was Indians who did the SCALPING, but they don't tell you that it was THEM who taught it to the Indians, and the Indians were only returning the FAVOR! Scalping had been known in Europe, according to accounts, as far back as ancient Greece. More often, though, the European manner of execution involved beheading. Enemies captured in battle - or people accused of political crimes - might have their heads chopped off by victorious warriors or civil authorities.

In some places and times in European history, leaders in power offered to pay "bounties" (cash payments) to put down popular uprisings. In Ireland, for instance, the occupying English once paid bounties for the heads of their enemies brought to them. Europeans brought this cruel custom of paying for killings to the American frontier. Here they were willing to pay for just the scalp, instead of the whole head. The first documented instance in the American colonies of paying bounties for native scalps is credited to Governor Kieft of New Netherlands.

By 1703, the Massachusetts Bay Colony was offering $60 for each native scalp. And in 1756, Pennsylvania Governor Morris, in his Declaration of War against the Lenni Lenape (Delaware) people, offered "130 Pieces of Eight [a type of coin], for the Scalp of Every Male Indian Enemy, above the Age of Twelve Years, "and" 50 Pieces of Eight for the Scalp of Every Indian Woman, produced as evidence of their being killed." Massachusetts by that time was offering a bounty of 40 pounds (again, a unit of currency) for a male Indian scalp, and 20 pounds for scalps of females or of children under 12 years old. Albinos tell of the "Blood Thirsty" Indians, but in fact, it was the "Blood Thirsty" Albinos!

Historian Professor Roxanne Dunbar-Ortiz states that the American settlers were paid bounties for killing Indians,
and they gave a name to the mutilated and bloody corpses they left in the wake of their scalp hunts: REDSKINS!


BOSCAWEN, N.H. Monument depicting Colonial heroine Hannah Dustin,
In her left hand she holds a fistful of human scalps.


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The inscription underneath tells of her 1697 capture in an Indian raid,
and how she slew her captors as they slept - 12 women and children.
Later she returned for their scalps, having remembered they could fetch a bounty.
(There are many statues of Dustin, this is the only one showing the scalps.
The others are typical Albino lie statues).


Florida Governor Ronald DeSantis may be a jerk and a racist, but when the boy is right, he's Right!
For years he has been fighting to keep Florida's Albino Children from being taught "True" history.
And what parent could blame him? If innocent Albino children were to find out that their own
people did such terrible things as above, they would come to hate their parents AND themselves,
and spit on the graves of their ancestors.



West Coast

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Mexico

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Central America


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South America (Inca)

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Brazil Natives


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This is where the "Show and Tell" begins; we will show you photographs of American Indians (the first photographic camera was a daguerreotype camera, built by Alphonse Giroux in 1839.). Only photographs will do because Albinos are expert at creating Paintings and statues of Albino "EVERYBODY". Check the Egypt section and all others, and you will find FAKE Albino depictions of them, even though most of them were as "Black as Night". After you have examined the photographs of these ancient Black people, then we will show you a picture of that SAME tribes leadership (their Tribal Council Today).

What you will often see is Albinos using their power over these powerless people, with the help of government of course, gaining control of the tribe to expel all the members they can, so that there will be fewer people to claim money from the tribes Casinos and Oil rights. Most often you will find that the tribal council is populated by Albinos and their "Near Albino" Mulattoes. Generally the Albinos only move in when the tribe gets CASINO or Oil Rights.




These are people who we cannot match to a specific tribe.


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The Wampanoag

Official greeters of the Pilgrims


Meet the Original Dumb Niggers of America, the "Wampanoag" 
of the Algonquian Federation


Instead of letting the invading Pilgrims perish, they helped them survive!
And for the SAME reasons as in Mexico, Central America, and South America:

PROTECTION FROM THE DOMINANT BLACK EMPIRES;
THE AZTEC, MAYA AND INCA, WHO WERE ABUSING THEM.


In hindsight they must have thought: what's a little abuse when compared to the
Albinos destroying everything we had?


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This statue has to do with the French and British War; for some stupid reason called the French and Indian War. It is one of the few statues where an Indian man looks like what he was - A Black Man.


The Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe, also known as the People of the First Light, has inhabited present day Massachusetts and Eastern Rhode Island for more than 12,000 years. After an arduous process lasting more than three decades, the Mashpee Wampanoag were re-acknowledged as a federally recognized tribe in 2007. In 2015, the federal government declared 150 acres of land in Mashpee and 170 acres of land in Taunton as the Tribe’s initial reservation, on which the Tribe can exercise its full tribal sovereignty rights. The Mashpee tribe currently has approximately 3,200 enrolled citizens. Today, two Wampanoag tribes are federally recognized: the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe and the Wampanoag Tribe of Gay Head. The Wampanoag language, also known as Massachusett, is a Southern New England Algonquian language.


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MASHPEE — Twin 20-year-old sisters are taking Wampanoag tribal leaders to court after they were removed from the tribal membership roll.  Kayla and Kaitlyn Balbuena are suing the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe Enrollment Committee in Tribal Court after the committee removed them from the tribal roll about a month ago.

The Balbuena sisters filed the lawsuit on Sept. 15. The sisters, who live in East Falmouth, argue that the tribe's enrollment department placed them on a pending list and have taken away their rights as tribal members based on hearsay and falsehood. The enrollment committee and Rita Lopez, the enrollment department director, did not respond to a request for comment. Jessie “Little Doe” Baird, vice chairwoman of the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribal Council, also did not respond to a request for comment. Letters obtained by the Times from the committee allege that the twins' father, Lorenzo Balbuena Jr., is not their biological father. The committee had requested a DNA paternity test to prove that the sisters are the daughters of Balbuena, a tribe member who died two years ago.

Kayla and Kaitlyn also have three brothers, and none of them have been removed from the tribal roll. Their mother, Elizabeth DeBarros, said she thinks it is because of the color of their skin. “They are dark. That’s all it is really,” said DeBarros, who is part of the Cape Verdean Club.

To qualify as a member of the tribe, Kayla said, one of your parents has to be Native American and you must show family genealogy. A parent must go to the tribe, show their child’s birth certificate and sign their child up to be on the roll. The enrollment department claims the twins’ birth certificates have been altered, DeBarros said. “I don’t know how you alter it,” she said.

When the twins were born in Falmouth Hospital, DeBarros said, Balbuena was in the Barnstable House of Corrections at the time. He was allowed to come to the hospital and see them, and he signed the birth certificates before he left, she said. DeBarros said the issue has been ongoing for years.


Ah yes, Rita Lopez a proud Hispanic, carries forth the Spanish Nations most enduring gift, perhaps only contribution to mankind: Racism and Colorism. The illiterate Albino Germanic tribes of Visigoths, Suevi and Vandals who invaded Spain (Iberia) must have really chafed under the boot of the Moors for those 800 Long years.


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Then afterward, to be under the thumb of Black European Kings and nobles like the one below:


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No wonder the Spanish are so "Touchy" about their dignity.


Additionally; Spain's greatest King was the BLACK Charles V, Emperor of the Holy Roman Empire (king of Spain as Charles I; 1516–56). And the second greatest king was the MULATTO of Columbus fame, Ferdinand II. So what's all this nonsense about everyone should want to have the disease of Albinism and White Skin just like us. But in the meantime, pardon us as we try to have sex with as many "Pigmented" people as we can, just so our children won't be Albinos.


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BACK TO THE INDIANS:

Prior to English contact in the 17th century, the Wampanoag numbered as many as 40,000 people living across 67 villages composing the Wampanoag Nation. These villages covered the territory along the east coast as far as Wessagusset (today called Weymouth), all of what is now Cape Cod and the islands of Natocket and Noepe (now called Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard), and southeast as far as Pokanocket (now Bristol and Warren, Rhode Island). The Wampanoag lived on this land for over 12,000 years.


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Cromwell was removed from office in 2020 after being Federally Indicted



The Wampanoag people were semi-sedentary (that is, partially nomadic), with seasonal movements between sites in southern New England. The men often traveled far north and south along the Eastern seaboard for seasonal fishing expeditions, and sometimes stayed in those distant locations for weeks and months at a time. The women cultivated varieties of the "three sisters" (maize, climbing beans, and squash) as the staples of their diet, supplemented by fish and game caught by the men. Each community had authority over a well-defined territory from which the people derived their livelihood through a seasonal round of fishing, planting, harvesting, and hunting. Southern New England was populated by various tribes, so hunting grounds had strictly defined boundaries. The Wampanoag originally spoke Wôpanâak, a dialect of the Massachusett language, which belongs to the Algonquian languages family.



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He's Back.



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Wampanoa statement

The Wampanoag are one of many Nations of people all over North America who were here long before any Europeans arrived, and have survived until today. Many people use the word “Indian” to describe us, but we prefer to be called Native People.

Our name, Wampanoag, means People of the First Light. In the 1600s, we had as many as 40,000 people in the 67 villages that made up the Wampanoag Nation. These villages covered the territory along the east coast as far as Wessagusset (today called Weymouth), all of what is now Cape Cod and the islands of Natocket and Noepe (now called Nantucket and Martha's Vineyard), and southeast as far as Pokanocket (now Bristol and Warren, Rhode Island). We have been living on this part of Turtle Island for over fifteen thousand years.

The Wampanoag, like many other Native People, often refer to the earth as Turtle Island.

Today, about 4,000-5,000 Wampanoag live in New England. There are multiple Wampanoag communities - Aquinnah, Mashpee, Herring Pond, Assonet, Chappaquiddick, Pocasset, and Seaconke - with smaller groups and communities across the United States and world. Recently, we also found some of our relations in the Caribbean islands. These people are descendants of Native Wampanoag People who were sent into slavery after a war between the Wampanoag and English. We, as the People, still continue our way of life through our oral traditions (the telling of our family and Nation's history), ceremonies, the Wampanoag language, song and dance, social gatherings, hunting and fishing.

The Wampanoag Homeland provided bountiful food for fulfillment of all our needs. It was up to the People to keep the balance and respect for all living beings and to receive all the gifts from The Creator. We were seasonal people living in the forest and valleys during winter. During the summer, spring, and fall, we moved to the rivers, ponds, and ocean to plant crops, fish and gather foods from the forests.

Because of many changes in North America, we as the Wampanoag cannot live as our ancestors did. We adapt but still continue to live in the way of the People of the First Light.


The tribes who lived in southern New England at the beginning of the 17th century referred to themselves as Ninnimissinuok, a variation of the Narragansett word Ninnimissinnȗwock meaning "people" and signifying "familiarity and shared identity". From 1615 to 1619, a leptospirosis epidemic carried by rodents arriving in European ships dramatically reduced the population of the Wampanoag and neighboring tribes. Indigenous deaths from the epidemic facilitated the European invasion and colonization of the Massachusetts Bay Colony. The Ninnimissinuok had sporadic contact with European explorers for nearly a century before the landing of the Mayflower in 1620. The fishermen off the Newfoundland banks from Bristol, Normandy, and Brittany began making annual spring visits beginning as early as 1581 to bring cod to Southern Europe. Europeans very likely introduced diseases.


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The Wampanoag were organized into a confederation in which a head sachem (Paramount Chief) presided over a number of other sachems. The colonists often referred to him as "king", but the position of a sachem differed in many ways from a king. They were selected by women elders and were bound to consult their own councilors within their tribe, as well as any of the "petty sachems" in the region. They were also responsible for arranging trade privileges, as well as protecting their allies in exchange for material tribute. Both women and men could hold the position of sachem, and women were sometimes chosen over close male relatives.

Tisquantum more commonly known as Squanto was a member of the Patuxet tribe of Wampanoags, best known for being an early liaison between the Native American population in Southern New England and the Mayflower Pilgrims who made their settlement at the site of Tisquantum's former summer village, now Plymouth, Massachusetts. The Patuxet tribe had lived on the western coast of Cape Cod Bay, but an epidemic infection wiped them out, likely brought by previous European explorers.



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Tisquantum was kidnapped by English explorer and slaver Captain Thomas Hunt, who trafficked him to Spain, where he sold him in the city of Málaga. He was among several captives traditionally claimed to have been ransomed by local Franciscan monks who focused on their education and evangelization. Tisquantum is said to have been baptized a Catholic, although no known primary sources support this claim. He eventually traveled to England and from there returned to his native village in America in 1619, only to find that an epidemic infection had wiped out his tribe; Tisquantum was the last of the Patuxet and he went to live with the Wampanoags.


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The Wampanoag suffered from an epidemic between 1616 and 1619, long thought to be smallpox introduced by contact with Europeans. However, a 2010 study suggests that the epidemic was leptospirosis, introduced by rat reservoirs on European ships. The groups most devastated by the illness were those who had traded heavily with the French and the disease was likely a virgin soil epidemic.



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In 1620, the Pilgrims arrived in Plymouth, and Tisquantum and other Wampanoag taught them how to cultivate the varieties of corn, squash, and beans (the Three Sisters) that flourished in New England, as well as how to catch and process fish and collect seafood. They enabled the Pilgrims to survive their first winters, and Squanto lived with them and acted as a middleman between them and Massasoit, the Wampanoag sachem. (Tisquantum, Massasoit and others had learned English from contact with other Englishman in previous years).


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The Narragansetts were one of the leading tribes of New England, controlling the west of Narragansett Bay in Rhode Island and portions of Connecticut and eastern Massachusetts, from the Providence River on the northeast to the Pawcatuck River on the southwest. The first European contact was in 1524 when explorer Giovanni de Verrazzano visited Narragansett Bay.


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The Narragansetts were the most powerful tribe in the southern area of the region when the English colonists arrived in 1620, and they had not been affected by the epidemics. Chief Massasoit of the Wampanoags to the east allied with the colonists at Plymouth Colony as a way to protect the Wampanoags from Narragansett attacks.


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Emma was great-great-granddaughter of Sachem (Paramount Chief) Massasoit; foolish savior of the Pilgrims.




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European settlement in the Narragansett territory did not begin until 1635; in 1636, Roger Williams acquired land from Narragansett sachems Canonicus and Miantonomi and established Providence Plantations. During the Pequot War of 1637, the Narragansetts allied with the New England colonists. However, the brutality of the colonists in the Mystic massacre shocked the Narragansetts, who returned home in disgust. After the Pequots were defeated, the colonists gave captives to their allies the Narragansetts and the Mohegans.


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The Narragansetts later had conflict with the Mohegans over control of the conquered Pequot land. In 1643, Miantonomi led the Narragansetts in an invasion of eastern Connecticut where they planned to subdue the Mohegans and their leader Uncas. Miantonomi had an estimated 1,000 men under his command. The Narragansett forces fell apart, and Miantonomi was captured. The Mohegans then took Miantonomi to Massachusetts Bay to petition the colonists to permit his execution, to which they agreed. While travelling back in the forests of northern Connecticut, Uncas's brother slew Miantonomi by bludgeoning him on the head with a club. The following year, Narragansett war leader Pessicus renewed the war with the Mohegans, and the number of Narragansett allies grew.


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The Mohegans were on the verge of defeat when the colonists came and saved them, sending troops to defend the Mohegan fort at Shantok. The colonists then threatened to invade Narragansett territory, so Canonicus and his son Mixanno signed a peace treaty. The peace lasted for the next 30 years.


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King Philip's War

Christian missionaries began to convert tribal members and many Indians feared that they would lose their traditions by assimilating into colonial culture, and the colonists' push for religious conversion collided with Indian resistance. In 1675, John Sassamon, a converted "Praying Indian", was found bludgeoned to death in a pond. The facts were never settled concerning Sassamon's death, but historians accept that Wampanoag sachem Metacomet (known as Philip) may have ordered his execution because Sassamon cooperated with colonial authorities. Three Wampanoag men were arrested, convicted, and hanged for Sassamon's death.



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Metacomet subsequently declared war on the colonists and started King Philip's War. He escaped an attempt to trap him in the Plymouth Colony, and the uprising spread throughout Massachusetts as other bands joined the fight, such as the Nipmuc. The Indians wanted to expel the colonists from New England. They waged successful attacks on settlements in Massachusetts and Connecticut, but Rhode Island was spared at the beginning, as the Narragansetts remained officially neutral.


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However, the leaders of the United Colonies (Massachusetts, Plymouth, and Connecticut) accused the Narragansetts of harboring Wampanoag refugees. They made a preemptive attack on the Narragansett palisade fortress on December 19, 1675 in a battle that became known as the Great Swamp Fight. Hundreds of Narragansett non-combatants died in the attack and burning of the fort, including women and children, but nearly all of the warriors escaped. In January 1676, colonist Joshua Tefft was hanged, drawn, and quartered by colonial forces at Smith's Castle in Wickford, Rhode Island for having fought on the side of the Narragansetts during the Great Swamp Fight.


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The Indians retaliated for the massacre in a widespread spring offensive beginning in February 1676 in which they destroyed all Colonial settlements on the western side of Narragansett Bay. The settlement of Providence Plantations was burned on March 27, 1676, destroying Roger Williams's house, among others. Other Indian groups destroyed many towns throughout New England, and even raided outlying settlements near Boston. However, disease, starvation, battle losses, and the lack of gunpowder caused the Indian effort to collapse by the end of March.


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Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe enrollment day

Note the color of the children; there are few showing any sign of Blackness. It won't be long before the Sachem is Albino.
And then it won't be long before Albino textbooks swear that the Wampanoag were Albinos.


Troops from Connecticut composed of colonists and their Mohegan allies swept into Rhode Island and killed substantial numbers of the now-weakened Narragansetts. A force of Mohegans and Connecticut militia captured Narragansett sachem Canonchet a few days after the destruction of Providence Plantations, while a force of Plymouth militia and Wampanoags hunted down Metacomet. During the summer months, Philip escaped from his pursuers and went to a hideout on Mount Hope in Rhode Island. Colonial forces attacked in August, killing and capturing 173 Wampanoags. Philip barely escaped capture, but his wife and their nine-year-old son were captured and put on a ship at Plymouth. They were then sold as slaves in the West Indies. On August 12, 1676, colonial troops surrounded Philip's camp, and soon shot and killed him.

With the death of Metacomet and most of their leaders, the Wampanoags were nearly exterminated; only about 400 survived the war. The Narragansetts and Nipmucks suffered similar rates of losses, and many small tribes in southern New England were finished. In addition, many Wampanoag were sold into slavery. Male captives were generally sold to slave traders and transported to the West Indies, Bermuda, Virginia, or the Iberian Peninsula. The colonists used the women and children as slaves or indentured servants in New England, depending on the colony. Massachusetts resettled the remaining Wampanoags in Natick, Wamesit, Punkapoag, and Hassanamesit, four of the original 14 praying towns. These were the only ones to be resettled after the war. Overall, approximately 5,000 Indians (40 percent of their population) and 2,500 colonists (5 percent) were killed in King Philip's War.



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As we can see from this current photo, Kayla and Kaitlyn Balbuena are still Black, and still members of the Wampanoag tribe. This picture also tells us that as "Full-Blood" Wampanoag like the sisters are forced to defend their citizenship, more and more "Mulattoes" slip in and take up positions of power. So that like Rita Lopez, they get to decide "WHO" is a Wampanoag.



The exception to relocation was the coastal islands' Wampanoag groups, who had stayed neutral through the war. The colonists forced the Wampanoag of the mainland to resettle with the Saconnet (Sekonnet), or with the Nauset into the praying towns in Barnstable County. Mashpee is the largest Indian reservation set aside in Massachusetts, and is located on Cape Cod. In 1660, the colonists allotted the natives about 50 square miles (130 km2) there, and beginning in 1665 they had self-government, adopting an English-style court of law and trials. Mashpee sachems Wepquish and Tookenchosin declared in 1665 that this land would not be able to be sold to non-Mashpee without the unanimous consent of the tribe, writing "We freely give these lands forementioned unto the South Sea Indians and their children forever: and not to be sold or given away from them by anyone without all their consents thereunto." An Indian Deed relating to the Petition of Reuben Cognehew presented a provision established by a representative of the community named Quatchatisset establishing that the allotment would " for ever not to be sold or given or alienated from them [his descendants] or any part of these lands." Property deeds in 1671 recorded this area known as the Mashpee Plantation as consisting of around 55 square miles of land. The area was integrated into the district of Mashpee in 1763. In 1788 after the American Revolutionary War, the state revoked the Wampanoag ability to self-govern, considering it a failure. It appointed a supervisory committee consisting of five European-American members, with no Wampanoag.




Bermuda

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Ina Christina Millett Lugo, like many born and raised on Bermuda’s St. David’s Island, grew up believing she was descended from Native American war captives shipped from New England in the 1600s as slaves. She had no documents to prove it, only stories that had been passed down through generations. “The way the story has been told, King Philip's wife and son were brought here,” said Lugo’s daughter Terlena Murphy, referring to Metacom, a 17th century Wampanoag tribal leader in New England who went on to adopt the English moniker. “Mother and son were separated,” added Murphy, who chairs the St. David's Islanders and Native Community (SDINC). “The mother went to an area called Bailey's Bay, along Bermuda’s North Shore, and the son may have come to St. David's.”


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As Harvard University historian Jill Lepore details in “The Name of War,” in June 1675, Metacom launched a war of resistance against English colonists in southeastern New England. Fourteen months into what came to be known as “King Philip’s War,” colonial soldiers hunting for Metacom captured his wife, Wootonekanuske, and their young son. According to Lepore, Plymouth officials and clergy spent months debating what to do with the boy, who was only 9 years old. In the end, they sold him into foreign slavery. Lepore says there is no record of what happened to Wootonekanuske. Lugo also learned that Puritan colonists had shipped dozens of Pequot men to Bermuda at the end of the 1637 Pequot War.

In 1995, says Murphy, her mother traveled to New England to further research her roots. Cousin Stuart Hollis accompanied her on the trip. “One day while they were walking in Massachusetts,” said Murphy, “they thought they were close to the Mashpee Wampanoag Reservation, but they weren’t.” A car passed them on the road. The driver stopped to offer them a ride. “I guess he was wondering, ‘Why are these two people who don't look like they're from here out walking?’” Murphy said. The driver turned out to be David Weeden, historic preservation officer for the Mashpee Wampanoag Tribe and the son of Everett "Tall Oak" Weeden, an elder, activist and historian who is also Pequot. “And as it turned out, Tall Oak had been looking for us for a long time, as well,” said Murphy.



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‘Mohawks’

Bermuda, once known as Somers Island, sits in the Atlantic Ocean about 1,000 kilometers east of North Carolina. A cluster of seven main islands — including the 202-hectare strip that is St. David’s — Bermuda was uninhabited until 1609, when a British ship landed on its coast. In her 1999 book, “Slaves and Slaveholders in Bermuda,” Virginia Bernhard explains that the Virginia Company soon afterward sent several dozen English colonists to Bermuda to establish a permanent settlement. In 1637, Bernhard writes, Massachusetts sent at least 80 Pequot War captives to Bermuda. Many were purchased by St. David’s colonists, and even more Native prisoners were sent to Bermuda at the end of King Philip’s War in the 1670s.

“As the years passed, these and other Indians on St. David’s formed families, sometimes mixing races, but still preserving stories of their ancient Indian origins, if not their tribal cultures, to pass down through generations into the 20th century,” Bernhard wrote. Many Islanders today carry surnames that date back to a 1662 survey of Bermuda’s earliest landholders — Fox, Higgs and Tucker. And many islanders trace their ancestry to Jacob Minors, portrayed in an 1879 history of Bermuda with the caption, “…a native Bermudian of strongly marked Indian features; reputed to be of Indian descent, and probably descending from one of the Pequot captives.”



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Eighty-year-old St. Clair “Brinky” Tucker is one of the founding members of the St. David’s Island Indian Committee (SDIIC), as the SDINC was originally known. He is also the author of “St. David's Island, Bermuda: Its People, History and Culture.” “My mother grew up on the Island,” Tucker said. “She told me that she was a Mohawk. She always said to me, ‘Don't forget, that's your heritage. You are part Indian.’” Mohawk, according to both Murphy and Tucker, was the generic pejorative Bermudians used for St. David’s islanders. St. David’s community was self-sustaining. “The men were fishermen and farmers, and the women, apart from cooking and looking after the household, picked Easter lilies,” Tucker said, referring to a white flower that was once a major export crop. “They lived a very simple life and even developed their own way of speaking.” Their Indian heritage, said Tucker, was something they spoke of only amongst themselves.

Reunion

In July 2002, a delegation of Wampanoag, Pequot and Narragansett tribe members traveled to Bermuda to participate in a “Reconnection Indian Festival,” organized by original SDIIC members under Brinky’s leadership. The group convened at a place called Dark Bottom, which Murphy said was a historic gathering place for St. David’s Native slaves. That event has evolved into a biannual pow wow. “We burn a fire and, standing in a circle, we honor the ancestors, say prayers and thanks, and welcome our visitors,” Murphy said. The COVID-19 pandemic forced them to cancel their June 2020 gathering. Murphy said she is hopeful that by 2022, everyone will feel comfortable enough to travel again.






Though we call the Wampanoag the Dumbest Niggers, we must still congratulate them for at least maintaining a Black leadership structure for the tribe. This is quite different from the Tribes in the west, which invariably have Albinos in leadership positions.  This happened because Albinos used their fellow Albinos in government to rig it so that Albinos could claim Tribal membership, elect each other to positions of power, then steal what they want at will. Central to this Scheme was the "DAWES ROLLS." 


The Dawes Act
 
The Dawes Act of 1887 (also known as the General Allotment Act or the Dawes Severalty Act of 1887) regulated land rights on tribal territories within the United States. Named after Senator Henry L. Dawes of Massachusetts, it authorized the President of the United States to subdivide Native American tribal communal landholdings into allotments for Native American heads of families and individuals. This would convert traditional systems of land tenure into a government-imposed system of private property by forcing Native Americans to "assume a capitalist and proprietary relationship with property" that did not previously exist in their cultures. Before private property could be dispensed, the government had to determine which Indians were eligible for allotments, which propelled an official search for a federal definition of "Indian-ness".

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If you wonder how many generations does it take to turn an Albino (type 2) into a "NORMAL" Human, here is a demonstration using a "BROWN" skinned Black (already admixed with Albino - perhaps recently, perhaps thousands of years ago.).  If a "FULL NORMAL HUMAN" were used, "Full Black" it would take a generation or two more to get these results. 


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Why is this important to the Wampanoag Tribe?


JUST LOOK WHAT'S WAITING FOR THEM TO LOWER THEIR GUARD




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The Iroquois



The Iroquois are a group of American Indians from the modern-day northeastern United States and Canada. The word “Iroquois” is a French word, derived from a Huron word meaning “black snakes.” They are also known officially as the  “Haudenosaunee” and were also called the Six Nations by the English. Haudenosaunee can be translated to “People of the Longhouse.” According to oral history, five nations banded together over 1,000 years ago to form a union. The five nations were the Mohawk, Cayuga, Seneca, Oneida and Onondaga. In 1722, the Tuscarora joined the union making the confederacy Six Nations.


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<< Click here for a larger picture of these Mohawks >>


A Council of Chiefs served as the Iroquois governing authority, however, the Six Nations function under the Great Law of Peace, an oral constitution that was first created sometime around 1142 and was later written on wampum belts. The Iroquois Confederacy established that each nation should handle their own affairs. The Great Law of Peace is a unique representational form of government, with the people in the clans having say in what information is passed upward. Legend has it that Benjamin Franklin used many aspects of the Iroquois system in the development of America's government.

The Iroquois are considered a matrilineal society because descent is passed through the mother, rather than the father. Both men and women have equal roles in the social, political and economic life of the community. The balance of the gender roles makes the society unique. For example, children of either sex are affiliated with their mother’s clan.

For the Iroquois, the clan is the basic unit of social organization. Members of one clan are considered relatives and intermarriage in the same clan is forbidden. Each clan is led by a Clan Mother. The responsibilities of the Clan Mother include the naming of all those in the clan, as well as the selection of the male candidate for Chief, which the rest of the Clan must approve. She can however remove that same chief if he fails in his duties.


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<< Click here for a larger picture of the Iroquois >>



The Haudenosaunee grew a variety of vegetables, such as corn, beans, and squash. Hunting and fishing contributed to part of the food they ate. They also grew tobacco that was used for ceremonial and medicinal purposes. The men and boys usually hunted for deer, bear and small mammals. Although hunting was accomplished by bow and arrow, many also used guns they traded Europeans for.


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The Iroquois lived in villages with long wooden buildings called “longhouses.” Families would live together in the structures with extended family members. The Haudenosaunee viewed the concept of the longhouse like six families living under one roof, with each nation representing a family.



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The Iroquois Nations could be described as similar to a large longhouse that extends from where the sun rises in the east, to where it sets in the west. the earth is the floor of this longhouse and the sky is considered the roof. In this great longhouse, the Mohawk nation are the keeper of the eastern door. The Seneca is the keeper of the western door. The Onondagas in the middle are the keepers of the central fire. Together these three are referred to as the elder brothers and they represent half of the longhouse families. The Cayuga, Oneida, and Tuscarora nations are the younger brothers and they represent the other families that complete the house. Today, longhouses still exist on some Haudenosaunee reservations and are used for ceremonial purposes. The Iroquois people have inhabited the areas of Ontario and upstate New York for well over 4,000 years.



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Abenaki People


The Abenaki are an Indigenous peoples of the Northeastern Woodlands of Canada and the United States. They are an Algonquian-speaking people and part of the Wabanaki Confederacy. During much of the 17th century, the Abenaki were hunters, fishers and gatherers. Favoured game was more often moose than deer. They travelled mainly by birchbark canoes on lakes and streams, and lived in villages near waterfalls on major rivers during the seasons when migratory fish could be harvested. The Wabanaki Confederacy is a North American First Nations and Native American confederation of four principal Eastern Algonquian nations: the Mi'kmaq, Maliseet, Passamaquoddy and Penobscot.


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The History and Culture of the Ojibwe (Chippewa) Tribe


The Anishinaabeg (singular Anishinaabe) is the umbrella name for the Ojibwe, Odawa, and Potawatomi nations. The names "Ojibwe" and "Chippewa" are essentially different spellings of the same word, "otchipwa," which means "to pucker," a likely reference to the distinctive puckered seam on an Ojibwa moccasin. According to tradition, which is supported by linguistic and archaeological studies, the ancestors of the Anishinaabeg migrated from the Atlantic Ocean, or perhaps Hudson Bay, following the St. Lawrence Seaway to the Straits of Mackinac, arriving there about 1400.



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The Ojibwe people were primarily located in the Great Lakes region of Western New York, Wisconsin, Michigan, Minnesota, and southern Quebec and Ontario. Uniquely positioned between early French and British settlers, they built relationships with both and engaged in trade and commerce across the region. Along the Great Lakes, the forests were teeming with game, and the water was abundant with fish. The Ojibwe were able to create a thriving trade economy and enjoyed a healthy lifestyle fueled by the area's natural resources. Fishing, trapping, and hunting provided everything the Ojibwe people needed, plus a surplus they could trade with settlers in exchange for clothing, medicine, guns, and more. While spread out across a great area, the lakes connected the Ojibwe people, who were able to create a shared sense of identity and community. The Ojibwe people moved westward along the Great Lakes because of a prophecy that they were to go find "the land where food grows on water." This food was wild rice, also called manoomin. The Ojibwe traveled the lakes in their birch bark canoes, staying close to the water as they migrated and established camps. They relied on fish more than hunting land animals to sustain them on their journeys.



RICE (wild)

Northern wild rice (Zizania palustris) is an annual plant native to the Great Lakes region of North America, the aquatic areas of the Boreal Forest regions of Northern Ontario, Alberta, Saskatchewan and Manitoba in Canada and Minnesota, Wisconsin, Michigan and Idaho in the US.


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Archaeological and genetic insights into the origins of domesticated rice.

Rice (Oryza sativa) is one of the most important cereal grains in the world today and serves as a staple food source for more than half of the world’s population. Research into when, where, and how rice was brought into cultivation and eventually domesticated, along with its development into a staple food source, is thus essential. Current findings from genetics and archaeology are consistent with the domestication of O. sativa japonica in the Yangtze River valley of southern China, it appears rice was cultivated in the area by as early 8,000 BP





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The Ojibwe Language 

Stemming from the Algonquian language family, the Ojibwe language has a series of dialects and writing systems. This language and its dialects are the 2nd most commonly spoken First Nations language in Canada and the 4th most widely spoken First Nations language in the United States. The language itself is closest to the language of the Potawatomi tribe in its patterns, and it's one of the largest Algic languages by the number of speakers. Because of its popularity and ease in comprehension across tribes and dialects, this language has been used as a trade language.




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As you will see the Ojibwe/Chippewa people became very "Integrated" with Mongols and Albino Wives.



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The White Earth Band of Ojibwe/Chippewa



The White Earth Band of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, also called the "White Earth Nation" (Ojibwe: lit. "People from where there is an abundance of white clay"), is a federally recognized Native American band in northwestern Minnesota. The band's land base is the White Earth Indian Reservation. With 19,291 members in 2007, the White Earth Band is the largest of the six component bands of the federally recognized Minnesota Chippewa Tribe, formed after the 1934 Indian Reorganization Act. It is also the largest band in Minnesota. The five other member tribes of the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe are the Bois Forte Band (Nett Lake), Fond du Lac Band, Grand Portage Band, Leech Lake Band, and Mille Lacs Band.
History

The White Earth Nation was formed by joining multiple Chippewa bands from north central Minnesota. They had been displaced by European-American settlement and consolidated onto a reservation in Mahnomen, Becker, and Clearwater Counties. Six Minnesota Chippewa bands enroll members separately today, but they combine numbers when identifying the entire tribe. According to the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe council, the White Earth Band had 19,291 enrolled members in July 2007, making it the largest Anishinaabe tribe in the state.

On March 19, 1867, the U.S. Congress established the White Earth Indian Reservation for the Mississippi Chippewa Indians in Minnesota, following the ratification of a treaty between them and the United States. Congress had several session agreements regarding the White Earth Band of Ojibwe. After hearing many complaints about the Pillagers, who were then landless, Congress authorized the relocation of the western Pillagers to the White Earth Indian Reservation. They were not included in the 1855 Treaty of Washington (10 Stat. 1165), which was made with the eastern Pillagers at the Mississippi River headwaters. Eventually, the Otter Tail Pillager Band of Chippewa Indians and Wild Rice River Pembina Band of Chippewa Indians also came to settle alongside the Mississippi Chippewa at White Earth Reservation and effectively became part of the White Earth Band.

These historic bands were:

    Gull Lake Band of Mississippi River Chippewa
    Removable Mille Lacs Indians
    Rabbit Lake Band of Mississippi River Chippewa
    Rice Lake Band of Mississippi River Chippewa.[citation needed]

Until the Indian Reorganization Act of 1934, the six bands living on the White Earth Indian Reservation acted independently of each other. After the Reorganization Act, the six wrote a constitution forming the Minnesota Chippewa Tribe. Minnesota was divided into six tribal districts uniting all Ojibwe bands not associated with the Red Lake Band of Chippewa, and the Pembina band. Both refused to relocate to White Earth, thus maintaining their individual identities.




FIRST INDIAN GOVERNOR OF A U.S. STATE MAY BE IN THE OFFING!



Minnesota Lt. Gov. Peggy Flanagan joins MSNBC's Jonathan Capehart for her first national cable news interview. If Governor Walz wins (candidate for U.S. Vice-President) she will become the Ha,Ha,Ha "First Native American Governor to lead a State" - by virtue of replacing Walz as Minnesota Governor.


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What makes it so funny is that THIS IS "Peggy Flanagan". Is there a more Albino looking Woman? Is there a more Albino name than Peggy Flanagan? All Albino media proudly proclaims this news because in their delusional minds it's perfectly reasonable that "ALL" HUMANS WOULD LOOK LIKE THEM! Think about what you see in movies and T.V. Martians, and other Space People always look like our Albinos, even though our Albinos are the LEAST numerous of all Humans. There are plenty of Black actors, the most numerous people, there are plenty of Mongol actors, the second most numerous people, but our Albinos always prefer other Albinos because that's the only time they feel safe - among their own kind.



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Flanagan grew up in Saint Louis Park, Minnesota, an inner-ring suburb of Minneapolis. She is a citizen of the White Earth Nation. The daughter of American Indian land rights and sovereignty activist Marvin Manypenny, Flanagan was raised by a single mother (we assume that is where the Flanagan name comes from) a phlebotomist, in St. Louis Park, Minnesota. She is of Irish and Ojibwe descent. The White Earth Reservation is named for the layer of white clay underneath the surface on the western half of the reservation. The land is typical of west-central Minnesota - prairie in the west, rolling hills and many lakes and rivers in the middle, and conifer forest in the east.



Aren't we all - at least I am:
Tired of our Albinos making believe they are "US" simply
by virtue of having a few drops of Melanin producing
Blood from their Black Fathers or Mothers?
They are our Children - Yes: because we made them.
But they are NOT US.





And these Albinos and their Mulattoes have no business on a Chippewa Tribal Council.

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The Blackfoot


The Blackfoot Confederacy, meaning "the people" or "Blackfoot-speaking real people", is a historic collective name for linguistically related groups that make up the Blackfoot or Blackfeet people: the Siksika ("Blackfoot"), the Kainai or Blood ("Many Chiefs"), and two sections of the Peigan or Piikani ("Splotchy Robe") – the Northern Piikani (Aapátohsipikáni) and the Southern Piikani (Amskapi Piikani or Pikuni). Broader definitions include groups such as the Tsúůtínŕ (Sarcee) and A'aninin (Gros Ventre) who spoke quite different languages but allied with or joined the Blackfoot Confederacy.




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Historically, the member peoples of the Confederacy were nomadic bison hunters and trout fishermen, who ranged across large areas of the northern Great Plains of western North America, specifically the semi-arid shortgrass prairie ecological region. They followed the bison herds as they migrated between what are now the United States and Canada, as far north as the Bow River. In the first half of the 18th century, they acquired horses and firearms from white traders and their Cree and Assiniboine go-betweens. The Blackfoot used these to expand their territory at the expense of neighboring tribes.




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Today, three Blackfoot First Nation band governments (the Siksika, Kainai, and Piikani Nations) reside in the Canadian province of Alberta, while the Blackfeet Nation is a federally recognized Native American tribe of Southern Piikani in Montana, United States. Additionally, the Gros Ventre are members of the federally recognized Fort Belknap Indian Community of the Fort Belknap Reservation of Montana in the United States and the Tsuutʼina Nation is a First Nation band government in Alberta, Canada.



Winnipeg Jack, Blackfoot Indian, North West Mounted Police scout and interpreter, about 1890.

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The Lummi


The Lummi Nation, are a Native American tribe of the Coast Salish ethnolinguistic group in western Washington state in the United States. They continue to speak the traditional Salishan language. They expressed their language and religious traditions through elaborate carvings on totems and ceremonies. Before the arrival of Europeans, the Lummi lived in a large area that included much of today's Puget Sound area in Washington State and British Columbia, Canada. They established villages near the sea and in the forests, and moved according to the seasons. They lived in multi-family cedar-plank longhouses.


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The Osage


Osage, original name Ni-u-kon-ska (“People of the Middle Waters”), North American Indian tribe of the Dhegiha branch of the Siouan linguistic stock. The name Osage is an English rendering of the French phonetic version of the name the French understood to be that of the entire tribe. It was thereafter applied to all members of the tribe. The name Wa-zha-zhe (“Water People”), however, refers to only a subdivision of the Hunka (Hunkah; “Earth People”), one of the two ancient kin groups—the other was the Tzi-zho (Tzi-sho; “Sky People”)—from which the tribe descended.


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Quite a confusing photograph; Note the little boy standing in the middle is extremely Black, as is normal, but the teenage boy sitting in the front on the left is an Albino, and the boy on his left appears to be a Mulatto.We don't know who wrote the caption or what was the point.



Like other members of the Dhegiha—the Omaha, Ponca, Kansa, and Quapaw—the Osage migrated westward from the Atlantic coast, settling first in the Piedmont Plateau between the James and Savannah rivers in the present states of Virginia and the Carolinas. After a time they moved to the Ozark Plateau and the prairies of what is now western Missouri. At this point the five tribes separated, with the Osage remaining in villages on the Osage River, where Jacques Marquette recorded their location in 1673. They remained there until the early 19th century, when they ceded their Missouri lands to the United States government and moved west to the Neosho River valley in Kansas. After settling on the Kansas reservation, the Osage were notable for their persistent rejection of the dominant American culture; they continued to dress in traditional clothing and to build traditional homes. They also discouraged the use of alcohol, which had been introduced by traders.



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Traditional Osage culture was typical of many Plains Indians and involved a combination of village-based agriculture and nomadic bison hunting. Other important game animals were deer, bear, and beaver. Osage villages consisted of longhouses covered with mats or skins and arranged irregularly about an open space used for dances and council meetings. Tepees were used during the hunting season. Osage life centred on religious ceremonials in which clans were divided into symbolic sky and earth groups, with the latter further subdivided to represent dry land and water. The Osage were remarkable for their poetic rituals. Among them was the custom of reciting the history of the creation of the universe to each newborn infant.




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Following the American Civil War (1861–65), pressure on the U.S. government to open all Native American lands to emigrant settlement resulted in the sale of the Kansas reservation. The proceeds were used to purchase land for the Osage in Indian Territory (present-day Oklahoma). The discovery of oil on the Osage reservation in the late 19th century and an agreement with the U.S. government by which all mineral rights on the reservation were to be retained by the tribe, with royalties divided on a per capita basis, made the Osage quite prosperous. Early 21st-century population estimates indicated some 16,000 individuals of Osage descent.









The Washoe Tribe





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As the Wašiw (Washoe) creation story goes, the Washoe people were brought to their homeland surrounding Lake Tahoe by Gewe (the coyote) and told that this area is the place that the goddess, Nentašu, meant for them to be. Nentašu then told all of the plants, medicines, and animals of this place to grow strong in order to provide nourishment for the Washoe and she reminded the people of their responsibility to care for this place.




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One of several creation stories, the geographic and spiritual center of the Washoe world is “Da ow ga” (Lake Tahoe). Like most native people, the Washoe lifestyle revolved around the environment as the people were part of the environment and everything was provided by the environment. Washoe tradition indicates their homeland has always included Lake Tahoe. Archeologists trace the Washoe presence at Lake Tahoe back at least two thousand years, with the lake and approximately 10,000 square miles of land surrounding the lake once home to and the responsibility of Lake Tahoe’s original locals.





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History of the Paiutes


 Scholars suggest that the Southern Paiutes and other Numic speaking peoples began moving into the Great Basin and Colorado Plateau around 1000 A.D. Prior to contact with Europeans, the Paiutes’ homeland spanned more than thirty million acres of present-day southern California, southern Nevada, south-central Utah, and northern Arizona. Their lifestyle included moving frequently, primarily according to the seasons and plant harvests and animal migration patterns, and they lived in independent groups of three to five households. Major decisions were made in council meetings. The traditional Paiute leader, called niave, offered advice and suggestions at council meetings and would later work to carry out the council’s decisions.

The Spanish settlement of the American Southwest brought disruption and violence to the Southern Paiutes. Most importantly, the Spanish introduced the violent slave trade to Great Basin Indians. Because the Paiutes did not adopt the horse as a means of transportation, their communities were frequently raided for slaves by neighboring equestrian tribes, New Mexicans, and, eventually, Americans. Slave trafficking of Paiutes increased after the opening of the Old Spanish Trail, a trade route that connected New Mexico to the Pacific Ocean. The demand was highest for children, especially girls.



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Though the mid-1800s the Southern Paiutes had encountered Euro-American traders, travelers, and trappers, but they had not had to deal with white settlement on their lands. In 1851, however, members of the LDS Church began colonization efforts in the area of southern Utah, and by the end of 1858, Mormons had established eleven settlements in Southern Paiute territory. Initially, the Paiutes welcomed the Mormon presence, as it offered them some protection against raiding Utes, Navajos, and Mexicans. Unfortunately, Mormon settlement also brought sweeping epidemics. In the decade following settlement, some Paiute groups lost more than ninety percent of their population to disease. Eventually, the large number of Mormon settlers also led to competition over Paiute lands and resources.

One of the most controversial events involving the Southern Paiutes occurred in September 1857 near what is now Cedar City, Utah. At the Mountain Meadows Massacre, more than one hundred emigrants bound for California were attacked and murdered. For over a century, the common history was that Paiute Indians first attacked the wagon train. The Paiutes then supposedly appealed to LDS settlers for aid, and the settlers approached the emigrants under a flag of truce. After convincing the emigrants to give up their weapons, the settlers led the wagon train to a secluded spot where they subsequently slaughtered most of the emigrants. Here again the Mormons claimed that Paiute Indians took part in the treachery, and for years the Paiutes bore the brunt of the blame for this tragic event. While many aspects of the massacre are still shrouded in mystery, it is important to stress that Paiute oral tradition strongly indicates that the Paiutes did not participate in either the initial attack or the following massacre.



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The first Paiute reservation was established in 1891 on the Santa Clara River west of St. George. The reservation was formally recognized by the government in 1903. In 1916 President Woodrow Wilson issued an order which expanded the size of the reservation to its current 26,880 acres. Three other Paiute reservations soon followed. The reservations proved too small and resource-poor for the Paiutes to sustain themselves, and the Paiutes were often dependent on Mormon charity and the federal government’s good will. That good will ended abruptly in the 1950s under the federal government’s policy of termination, which was intended to enforce assimilation and encourage self-sufficiency among Indian tribes but instead had devastating social and economic consequences. Prior to 1954, each Paiute band, except the Cedar Band, had its own reservation and functioning tribal government. However, under termination these bands lost federal recognition and, therefore, their eligibility for federal support. Many reports indicating that the Paiute tribe was not prepared for termination, and it is still a mystery as to why they were selected to be part of the program. The Paiutes suffered immensely under termination. Nearly one-half of all tribal members died during the period between 1954 and 1980, largely due to a lack of basic health resources. Without adequate income to meet their needs, the Paiutes could not pay property taxes and lost approximately 15,000 acres of former reservation lands. A less tangible, but equally important, result was the Paiutes’ diminishing pride and cultural heritage.



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In the early 1970s the Paiutes began concerted efforts to regain federal recognition. Finally, in 1980 Congress restored the federal trust relationship to the five bands, which were reorganized as the Paiute Indian Tribe of Utah. Under restoration, the Paiutes received 4,770 acres of generally marginal reservation land scattered through southwestern Utah, only a fraction of the land they had lost under termination. Today the Paiute tribal government has improved healthcare and education on the reservations, and the Paiute Economic Development is working to create job opportunities close to home. With a landbase now in place, the Paiutes are finally becoming a visible presence in southern Utah. Their annual Restoration Gathering brings attention to the pride and heritage of the Paiute people.




Comanche



Quote: We are the Comanche Nation and in our native language “Nʉmʉnʉʉ” (NUH-MUH-NUH) which means, “The People”. We are known as “Lords of the Plains” and were once a part of the Shoshone Tribe. In the late 1600’s and early 1700’s, we moved off from our Shoshone kinsmen onto the northern Plains and then southerly in search of a new homeland. We Migrated across the Plains, through Wyoming, Nebraska, Colorado, Kansas, New Mexico, Texas, and Oklahoma. We ultimately settled here in Southwest Oklahoma. The horse was a key element in Comanche culture. The people mastered their skills on horseback and gained a tremendous advantage in times of war. They fought battles on horseback which was a skill unknown among other Indian peoples of that time. They were highly skilled at breeding and trading the horse, which became an important resource for the people that radically changed life on the plains. Comanche horsemen set the pattern of nomadic equestrian life that became characteristic of the Plains tribes in the 18th and 19th centuries.  Bands of the Comanche were formed on the basis of kinship and other social relationships. The buffalo was also an important resource for the people. It provided food, clothing, tepee covering, and a wide variety of other goods for economical purposes.



It appears that the Comanche were a mostly Mongol Tribe, which is agreement with them being a
"Northern Plains" tribe: (proximity to the Bering land bridge - Asia to America crossing).


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History of the Shoshone People




The Northwestern Band of Shoshone is a branch of the larger group of Shoshone people that cover Utah, Idaho, Wyoming, and Nevada. When whites began encroaching on the area that is now Utah in the 1840s, three different groups of Northwestern Shoshones lived there. The misnamed Weber Utes lived in Weber Valley near present-day Ogden, Utah. The Pocatello Shoshones dwelt between the northern shore of the Great Salt Lake and the Bear River. A third group lived in the Cache Valley along the Bear River. They called themselves kammitakka, which means “jackrabbit-eaters.”



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The Shoshone people were very mobile and skilled at hunting and gathering, and with each change of the season they migrated to obtain the food and other resources they depended on to survive. In the early autumn, the Northwestern Shoshones moved into the region near what is now Salmon, Idaho, to fish. After fishing was over, they moved into western Wyoming to hunt buffalo, elk, deer, moose, and antelope. They sun-dried the meat for winter and used the hides as clothing and shelter. In the spring and summer, the Northwestern Shoshones traveled around southern Idaho and throughout Utah. During these months, they spent their time gathering seeds, roots, and berries and socializing. In late summer they dug roots and hunted small game. Around late October, the band moved into western Utah and parts of Nevada for the annual gathering of pinyon nuts (or pine nuts), a nutrient-rich food that formed an important part of the Shoshone diet. The wintering home of the Northwestern Shoshones was in an area around what is now Preston, Idaho. Based on these migration patterns, experts have claimed that the Northwestern Shoshones were among the most ecologically efficient and well-adapted Indians of the American West.



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By the 1840s, the Northwestern Shoshones had adopted some aspects of Plains Indian culture, using the horse for mobility and to hunt large game, such as buffalo. The Shoshone way of life came under attack when Anglo emigrants began to transverse Shoshone lands on the trails to California and Oregon in the early 1840s. The arrival of the members of the LDS Church in 1847 brought added pressure. The Mormons initially settled in the Salt Lake Valley but quickly spread into the Weber and Cache Valleys, entering Shoshone lands and competing for vital resources. Conflict between the Shoshones and white settlers and emigrants became a serious problem in the late 1850s and early 1860s. Responding to the destruction of game and grass cover and the unprovoked murder of Indians, Shoshone leaders like Chief Pocatello retaliated with raids on emigrant trains. After the discovery of gold in Montana in 1862, more and more whites traveled over Shoshone land. In response to incidents of violence committed by the travelers, some Shoshones, including a group led by Chief Bear Hunter of the Cache Valley, began to raid wagon trains and cattle herds.

Violence erupted on January 29, 1863 when Colonel Patrick Edward Connor and about two-hundred army volunteers from Camp Douglas in Salt Lake City attacked Bear Hunter’s people. A group of 450 Shoshone men, women, and children were camped on the Bear River twelve miles from Franklin, Washington Territory (now Idaho). In the early hours of the morning, Connor and his men surrounded the Shoshones and began a four-hour assault on the virtually defenseless group. Some 350 Shoshones were slaughtered by the troops, including many women and children. This was one of the most violent events in Utah’s history and the largest Indian massacre in U.S. history.

In the aftermath of the Bear River Massacre, white settlers moved unopposed into traditional Northwestern Shoshone lands. As American settlements grew around them, the few remaining Northwestern Shoshones lost their land base and could no longer sustain their traditional nomadic lifestyle. In 1875, after years of struggle and starvation, many Northwestern Shoshones converted to Mormonism and settled on a church-sponsored farm near Corrine, Utah, an area where the Shoshone had traditionally wintered. The farm was short-lived, as federal officials, responding to unfounded rumors that the Shoshones were planning an attack on Corrine, expelled them from the farm and attempted to force them onto the newly founded Fort Hall Reservation in Idaho.

Some Northwestern Shoshones did move to Fort Hall, but those who wanted to remain in their traditional homeland were left without a reservation and had to search for alternative means to secure a land base. Beginning in 1876, using rights guaranteed under the Homestead Act, the Northwestern Shoshones acquired and settled land between the Malad and Bear rivers. The Malad Indian Farm was eventually discarded due to its insufficient size and the difficulty of irrigating in the area. The Northwestern Shoshones considered moving back to the Cache Valley but instead moved to a new farm in the Malad Valley just south of Portage, Utah. They named the farm after their admired leader Washakie, and the settlement, which was managed by members of the LDS Church, was home the Northwestern Band of Shoshone for the next eighty years. Tragically, in the summer of 1960, representatives of the LDS Church, who mistakenly believed that Washakie had been abandoned, burnt the Shoshones’ houses to the ground in preparation for the sale of the church farm. The church later gave the band 184 acres of land near Washakie to atone for this mistake.

Until 1987, the Northwestern Band of Shoshone was administered by the federal government as part of a larger Shoshone tribe. That year the government recognized the tribe as independent, and the Northwestern Shoshones adopted a constitution and tribal council. In addition to the Washakie land, the tribe holds some private lands held in trust by the Bureau of Indian Affairs and is attempting to purchase more land to solidify its home in Utah. The Northwestern Band of Shoshone is quickly developing and, in so doing, is reasserting its rightful place in the history of Utah.





The Nez Perce

The Nez Perce War was an armed conflict in 1877 in the Western United States that pitted several bands of the Nez Perce tribe of Native Americans and their allies, a small band of the Palouse tribe led by Red Echo (Hahtalekin) and Bald Head (Husishusis Kute), against the United States Army. Fought between June and October, the conflict stemmed from the refusal of several bands of the Nez Perce, dubbed "non-treaty Indians," to give up their ancestral lands in the Pacific Northwest and move to an Indian reservation in Idaho Territory. This forced removal was in violation of the 1855 Treaty of Walla Walla, which granted the tribe 7.5 million acres of their ancestral lands and the right to hunt and fish on lands ceded to the U.S. government.


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After the first armed engagements in June, the Nez Perce embarked on an arduous trek north initially to seek help with the Crow tribe. After the Crows' refusal of aid, they sought sanctuary with the Lakota led by Sitting Bull, who had fled to Canada in May 1877 to avoid capture following the 1876 Battle of the Little Bighorn. The Nez Perce were pursued by elements of the U.S. Army with whom they fought a series of battles and skirmishes on a fighting retreat of 1,170 miles (1,880 km). The war ended after a final five-day battle fought alongside Snake Creek at the base of Montana's Bears Paw Mountains only 40 miles (64 km) from the Canada–US border. A large majority of the surviving Nez Perce represented by Chief Joseph of the Wallowa band of Nez Perce, surrendered to Brigadier Generals Oliver Otis Howard and Nelson A. Miles.[3] White Bird, of the Lamátta band of Nez Perce, managed to elude the Army after the battle and escape with an undetermined number of his band to Sitting Bull's camp in Canada. The 418 Nez Perce who surrendered, including women and children, were taken prisoner and sent by train to Fort Leavenworth, Kansas.



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Although Chief Joseph is the most well known of the Nez Perce leaders, he was not the sole overall leader. The Nez Perce were led by a coalition of several leaders from the different bands who comprised the "non-treaty" Nez Perce, including the Wallowa Ollokot, White Bird of the Lamátta band, Toohoolhoolzote of the Pikunin band, and Looking Glass of the Alpowai band. Brigadier General Howard was head of the U.S. Army's Department of the Columbia, which was tasked with forcing the Nez Perce onto the reservation and whose jurisdiction was extended by General William Tecumseh Sherman to allow Howard's pursuit. It was at the final surrender of the Nez Perce when Chief Joseph gave his famous "I Will Fight No More Forever" speech, which was translated by the interpreter Arthur Chapman. An 1877 New York Times editorial discussing the conflict stated, "On our part, the war was in its origin and motive nothing short of a gigantic blunder and a crime"



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The Pamunkey



West Virginia University - Often when asked “how long have you been here?” Native people will respond with “we’ve always been here.” The Powhatan creation story honors this statement. Ahone, the Creator, who took the form of a Great Hare, comes from the rising sun carrying a magic bag containing man and woman. After creating the world and populating it with deer, Ahone took man and woman from the bag and placed them into the world to live in harmony.

Between the Middle Woodland (500BCE-900CE) and Late Woodland Periods (900-1,600CE) is when indigenous people in Virginia saw the most change in their society. During the Middle Woodland Period, Tribes lived in hamlets scattered along major waterways. By the Late Woodland Period, indigenous people were living in large villages with hundreds to thousands of people under a complex system of politics, economics and social structure. The ranking of cultures and individuals arises in the Woodland Period. Items become specialized (ex. introduction of the bow and arrow) and trade increases (ex. beads produced for adornment), indicating that sophisticated craftsmen and a rich culture flourished in Virginia. The creation of wealth, social security and political interests gave rise to the Tribal Leader.


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Tsenacomoco, also known as the Powhatan Paramount Chiefdom, was a political alliance that arose out of the Late Woodland Period among numerous Algonquian-speaking Tribes ion the region. It is estimated that approximately thirty different Tribal groups paid tribute to Powhatan, the paramount Chief of Tsenacomoco, with a total estimated population of 15,000 people. These indigenous peoples were here far before the English settled at Jamestown with their homelands stretching from the Coast of Virginia to the Piedmont Plateau.

The ancestors of these early indigenous people are still here today. The Pamunkey Indians have long defended their rights as unique citizens of the United States, with treaty and legal privileges that date back more than four hundred years. Today, the Pamunkey seat of government remains in place on one of the oldest Indian reservations in North America, established in 1646. Connection to the Pamunkey River, which surrounds the Reservation, continues to provide sustenance to the Tribe, including fish for consumption and clay for traditional Pamunkey pottery making. The Pamunkey Indian Tribe became a federally recognized Indian tribe in 2016 and the Tribal Administration oversees five departments that help manage tribal operations (Cultural Resources, Natural Resource, Housing, Enrollment and Business Enterprises).



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Federal Recognition for the Pamunkey

On July 2, 2015, the Pamunkey Indians received some long overdue news: the Bureau of Indian Affairs [BIA] announced that their long fought battle to be recognized as an Indian tribe by the federal government was approved. Though the decision takes 90 days to take effect there is much reason to celebrate. They are the first Indian tribe in the Commonwealth of Virginia to be federally recognized. The tribe will also now be eligible for various federal benefits including housing, education, and health care funding. Six other Virginia tribes have been seeking federal recognition through an Act of Congress since the 1990s.

The Pamunkey Indians were the largest tribe within the powerful Powhatan Chiefdom when the English arrived to settle Jamestown in 1607.Today, they are over 200 members strong and have 1,200 acres of reservation lands established through treaties signed with the English in 1646 and 1677. Their federal recognition will establish for the Pamunkey tribe a government-to-government relationship with the federal government of the United States.

The quest for federal recognition is not an easy one and the Pamunkey chose the normal route, the Bureau of Indian Affairs.As such, the tribe was required to prove that they have continuously identified as American Indians since 1900, existed as a distinct community, and maintained political influence over tribal members through the centuries. The tribe also had to provide detailed documentation regarding tribal membership criteria, a list of current tribal members, as well as governance procedures. Overall, the process took more than 30 years to complete.






The Pima/Pimos


First called the Pima Indians by exploring Spaniards who encountered them in the 1600s, these early Americans called themselves “Akimel O’odham,” meaning the River People. The Piman peoples, who live in the Sonoran Desert region, are descendants of the prehistoric Hohokam Culture. The Pima lived along the Gila, Salt, Yaqui, and Sonora Rivers in ranchería-style villages, where family groups shared a central ramada and kitchen area. Their homes consisted of oval lodges covered in grass and mud over a superstructure of poles. The O’odham are matrilineal, with daughters and their husbands living with and near the daughter’s mother. Each village had a chief responsible for overseeing cultivation and defense, mainly against raids by the Apache. The people elected the tribal chief.


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They were some of the first inhabitants to turn the desert into profitable farming grounds with their many miles of irrigation canals for corn, beans, squash, kidney beans, tobacco, and cotton. The prehistoric peoples built an extensive irrigation system to compensate for the arid conditions that remain in use today. They also subsided on hunting and gathering and conducted extensive trading. Unusual among the Indian tribes, men did the farming and also wove cotton on looms, but the women made the clothing from it. They were experts in the area of textiles and produced intricate baskets as well as woven cloth.



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Before the arrival of Europeans, their primary military rivals were the Apache and Yavapai, who raided their villages for food. In the 17th century, the Spanish began to impose their rule on the Pima, including taxation, which resulted in a revolt in 1695. However, they were quickly suppressed, and many fled to their northern Pima lands. A more significant revolt in 1751 was also put down. The United States acquired Pima territory in 1853 with the Gadsden Purchase, which saw an influx of white farmers, causing most of the Pima in the region to move to the Salt River area, where they were set up with a reservation. Today they live along the Gila and Salt Rivers near Phoenix, Arizona.



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We used to say that our favorite "Torie Bowie" looks to belong to one of the ancient "West Coast" tribes. After seeing this Pima girl, Torie might be from a Southwest tribe or even a local Mississippi tribe - she's from Mississippi. May she rest in peace.






The Crow


The Crow, whose autonym is Apsáalooke, also spelled Absaroka, are Native Americans living primarily in southern Montana. Today, the Crow people have a federally recognized tribe, the Crow Tribe of Montana, with an Indian reservation, the Crow Indian Reservation, located in the south-central part of the state. Crow Indians are a Plains tribe, who speak the Crow language, part of the Missouri River Valley branch of Siouan languages. Of the 14,000 enrolled tribal members, an estimated 3,000 spoke the Crow language in 2007. During the expansion into the West, the Crow people were allied with the United States against its neighbors and rivals, the Sioux and Cheyenne. In historical times, the Crow lived in the Yellowstone River valley, which extends from present-day Wyoming, through Montana and into North Dakota, where it joins the Missouri River. Since the 19th century, Crow people have been concentrated on their reservation established south of Billings, Montana. Today, they also live in several major, mainly western, cities. Tribal headquarters are located at Crow Agency, Montana.[3] The tribe operates the Little Big Horn College.


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In the Northern Plains
The early home of the Crow Hidatsa ancestral tribe was near Lake Erie in what is now Ohio. Driven from there by better armed, aggressive neighbors, they briefly settled south of Lake Winnipeg in Manitoba. Later the people moved to the Devil's Lake region of North Dakota before the Crow split from the Hidatsa and moved westward. The Crow were largely pushed westward due to intrusion and influx of the Cheyenne and subsequently the Sioux, also known as the Lakota.

To acquire control of their new territory, the Crow warred against Shoshone bands, such as the Bikkaashe, or "People of the Grass Lodges", and drove them westward. The Crow allied with local Kiowa and Plains Apache bands. The Kiowa and Plains Apache bands later migrated southward, and the Crow remained dominant in their established area through the 18th and 19th centuries, the era of the fur trade.

Their historical territory stretched from what is now Yellowstone National Park and the headwaters of the Yellowstone River (E-chee-dick-karsh-ah-shay in Crow, translating to "Elk River") to the west, north to the Musselshell River, then northeast to the Yellowstone's mouth at the Missouri River, then southeast to the confluence of the Yellowstone and Powder rivers (Bilap Chashee, or "Powder River" or "Ash River"), south along the South Fork of the Powder River, confined in the SE by the Rattlesnake Mountains and westwards in the SW by the Wind River Range. Their tribal area included the river valleys of the Judith River (Buluhpa'ashe, or "Plum River"), Powder River, Tongue River, Big Horn River and Wind River as well as the Bighorn Mountains (Iisiaxpúatachee Isawaxaawúua), Pryor Mountains (Baahpuuo Isawaxaawúua), Wolf Mountains (Cheetiish, or "Wolf Teeth Mountains") and Absaroka Range (also called Absalaga Mountains).

Once established in the Valley of the Yellowstone River and its tributaries on the Northern Plains in Montana and Wyoming, the Crow divided into four groups: the Mountain Crow, River Crow, Kicked in the Bellies, and Beaver Dries its Fur. Formerly semi-nomad hunters and farmers in the northeastern woodland, they adapted to the nomadic lifestyle of the Plains Indians as hunters and gatherers, and hunted bison. Before 1700, they were using dog travois for carrying goods.




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From about 1730, the Plains tribes rapidly adopted the horse, which allowed them to move out on to the Plains and hunt buffalo more effectively. However, the severe winters in the North kept their herds smaller than those of Plains tribes in the South. The Crow, Hidatsa, Eastern Shoshone, and Northern Shoshone soon became noted as horse breeders and dealers and developed relatively large horse herds. At the time, other eastern and northern tribes were also moving on to the Plains, in search of game for the fur trade, bison, and more horses. The Crow were subject to raids and horse thefts by horse-poor tribes, including the powerful Blackfoot, Gros Ventre, Assiniboine, Pawnee, and Ute. Later they had to face the Lakota and their allies, the Arapaho and Cheyenne, who also stole horses from their enemies. Their greatest enemies became the tribes of the Blackfoot Confederacy and the Lakota-Cheyenne-Arapaho alliance.

In the 18th century, pressured by the Saulteaux and Cree peoples (the Iron Confederacy), who had earlier and better access to guns through the fur trade, the Crow had migrated to this area from the Ohio Eastern Woodland area of present-day Ohio, settling south of Lake Winnipeg. From there, they were pushed to the west by the Cheyenne. Both the Crow and the Cheyenne were pushed farther west by the Lakota, who took over the territory west of the Missouri River, reaching past the Black Hills of South Dakota to the Big Horn Mountains of Wyoming and Montana. The Cheyenne eventually became allies of the Lakota, as they sought to expel European Americans from the area. The Crow remained bitter enemies of both the Sioux and Cheyenne. They managed to retain a large reservation of more than 9300 km2 despite territorial losses, due in part to their cooperation with the federal government against their traditional enemies, the Sioux and Blackfoot. Many other tribes were forced onto much smaller reservations far from their traditional lands.

The Crow were generally friendly with the northern Plains tribes of the Flathead (although sometimes they had conflicts); Nez Perce, Kutenai, Shoshone, Kiowa, and Plains Apache. The powerful Iron Confederacy (Nehiyaw-Pwat), an alliance of northern plains Indian nations based around the fur trade, developed as enemies of the Crow. It was named after the dominating Plains Cree and Assiniboine peoples, and later included the Stoney, Saulteaux, and Métis. By the early 19th century, the Apsáalooke fell into three independent groupings, who came together only for common defense.



The Kalispel


The Kalispel Indian Community of the Kalispel Reservation is a federally recognized tribe of Lower Kalispel people, located in Washington. They are an Indigenous people of the Northwest Plateau. The tribe's headquarters is in Cusick, Washington. The tribe is governed by a democratically elected, five-member tribal council. The general council, composed of enrolled members over the age of 18, vote in a general election the first Friday of June every year. Council members are elected for three-year terms. Members must cast their ballots in person, as there is no absentee voting allowed.



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Kalispel people are thought to have come from British Columbia. In the 18th century, the Niitsitapi people pushed them from the Great Plains to Pend d'Oreille River and Lake Pend Oreille. The town of Kalispell, Montana is named after the tribe. In 1809, David Thompson opened a trading post for the North West Company of Montréal in their territory. A Roman Catholic mission was founded in the 1840s. The Upper Kalispel were forced onto an Indian reservation in Montana, while the Lower Kalispel remained on their homelands in Washington. The tribe refused to sign a treaty proposed by the US government in 1872. In 1875, there were only 395 Lower Kalispel. Non-Natives claimed reservation lands under the Homestead Act, and economic opportunities for tribal members were minimal. In 1965, the average tribal member's income was $1,400, and there was only one telephone for the entire tribe.



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The tribe owns and operates the Northern Quest Resort & Casino, located in Airway Heights, Washington. The resort features Masselow's, Epic Sports Bar, Fai's Noodle House, Qdoba, Rivers Edge Buffet, Fatburger, The Deli, Marketplace, Thomas Hammer Coffee, Ben and Jerry's Ice Cream, and Movie & Dinner Theatre as well as several bars and nightclubs: Legends of Fire, Fireside Lounge, Liquid, and the Turf, and La Rive Spa. The tribe owns the franchise rights to Fatburger in the Eastern Washington region, having opened a restaurant in Spokane's 5-Mile district.






History of the Navajos


Anthropologists hypothesize that the Navajo split off from the Southern Athabaskans and migrated into the Southwest between 200 and 1300 A.D. Between 900 and 1525 A.D. the Navajos developed a rich and complex culture in the area of present-day northwestern New Mexico. Here the Navajos developed trade networks with both the Anasazi and historic Pueblo peoples, bringing new goods and technologies, such as flint points, and moccasins, to the Southwest. The Navajos may have moved into southeastern Utah as early as 1620; by the eighteenth century they had spread into northeastern Arizona and southeastern Utah.

The Navajos came into contact with early Spanish explorers in the sixteenth century. In 1680 Navajo and Apache groups aided Pueblo Indians in the Pueblo Revolt, a war for independence from the Spanish, who had brutalized and enslaved the Pueblos for decades. The rebellion forced the Spanish back into Mexico for a time, but in 1693 the Spanish reconquered the area of the Rio Grande Valley. Some Pueblos took refuge among the Navajos, resulting in an intermixing of Navajo and Pueblo cultures. The arrival of the Spanish also introduced sheep, goats, and horses to the Navajo. The Navajo were highly adaptive and incorporated domestic livestock and agriculture into their subsistence system. They also adopted the horse and, like other tribes who used the animal as a means of transportation, sometimes engaged in slave and food raids on neighboring tribes.



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In the late-eighteenth century, the Navajos became involved in direct conflict with Spanish forces intent on conquering the Southwest. The Spanish formed alliances with the Comanches and Utes to weaken the Navajos, and many fell victim to the Spanish slave trade. The culmination of hostilities came in 1863, when the U.S. Army, under the command of Christopher “Kit” Carson, used “scorched earth” tactics to force the surrender of the Navajo. This defeat resulted in the infamous Long Walk from their homeland to Fort Sumner in central New Mexico. Hundreds died or disappeared during the grueling three-hundred-mile forced march. Those who survived were held at the overcrowded, undersupplied, insanitary Bosque Redondo Reservation at Fort Sumner.



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After four years of interment, an 1868 treaty allowed the Navajo to return to their original homeland. The Navajo Reservation, set aside by the Treaty of 1868, has subsequently been enlarged through executive order and special legislation, including an 1884 executive order through which much of the land in present-day southeastern Utah was added. The Navajo raised goats and sheep and eventually developed a barter economy, exchanging rugs and silverwork with white traders. In the 1920s, oil and mineral exploration began in the Four Corners region. Oil and gas discoveries in the 1950s and 1960s on the Utah portion of the reservation have enriched the Navajo Nation and the State of Utah a great deal, although oil wells have also caused environmental problems, contaminating water and damaging rangelands. Uranium mining, which began in the 1940s, has also had mixed results for the Navajos. Mining brought much-needed funds to the tribal treasury, but radioactive contamination has left a legacy of death and disease in mining communities.

Although Native Americans were not granted citizenship until 1924, Navajos have a proud history of wartime service in the twentieth century. Many Utah Navajos served in the First World War. During World War II, Navajo played a major part in winning the war in the Pacific by developing a code based on the Navajo language that proved impossible for the Japanese to break. These “Code Talkers” are now famous, but over three thousand Navajos also served in the Army, Navy, Marine Corps, and Women’s Army Corps. Several thousand more left the reservation to work in war-related industries.



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The Lakota People (Sioux)

The Lakota are a Native American people. Also known as the Teton Sioux, they are one of the three prominent subcultures of the Sioux people. Their current lands are in North and South Dakota. They speak Lakȟótiyapi—the Lakota language, the westernmost of three closely related languages that belong to the Siouan language family.


    The seven bands or "sub-tribes" of the Lakota are:

    Sičháŋǧu (Brulé, Burned Thighs)
    Oglála ("They Scatter Their Own")
    Itázipčho (Sans Arc, Without Bows)
    Húŋkpapȟa (Hunkpapa, "End Village", Camps at the End of the Camp Circle)
    Mnikȟówožu (Miniconjou, "Plant Near Water", Planters by the Water)
    Sihásapa ("Blackfeet” or “Blackfoot")
    Oóhenuŋpa (Two Kettles)



Sioux vs Lakota


Lakota means 'friends' or 'allies', while Sioux is the name for this large alliance of North American Indian tribes of the Midwest.
Many Lakota people today prefer to be called Lakota instead of Sioux, as Sioux was a disrespectful name given to them by their enemies.



The Sioux is a broad alliance of North American Indian peoples who spoke three related languages within the Siouan language family. The name Sioux is an abbreviation of Nadouessioux (“Adders”; i.e., enemies), a name originally applied to them by the Ojibwa. The Santee, also known as the Eastern Sioux, were Dakota speakers and comprised the Mdewkanton, Wahpeton, Wahpekute, and Sisseton. The Yankton, who spoke Nakota, included the Yankton and Yanktonai. The Teton, also referred to as the Western Sioux, spoke Lakota and had seven divisions—the Sihasapa, or Blackfoot; Brulé (Upper and Lower); Hunkpapa; Miniconjou; Oglala; Sans Arcs; and Oohenonpa, or Two-Kettle.



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Before the middle of the 17th century, the Santee Sioux lived in the area around Lake Superior, where they gathered wild rice and other foods, hunted deer and buffalo, and speared fish from canoes. Prolonged and continual warfare with the Ojibwa to their east drove the Santee into what is now southern and western Minnesota, at that time the territory of the agricultural Teton and Yankton. In turn, the Santee forced these two groups from Minnesota into what are now North and South Dakota. Horses were becoming common on the Plains during this period, and the Teton and Yankton abandoned agriculture in favour of an economy centred on the nomadic hunting of bison.

Traditionally the Teton and Yankton shared many cultural characteristics with other nomadic Plains Indian societies. They lived in tepees, wore clothing made from leather, suede, or fur, and traded buffalo products for corn (maize) produced by the farming tribes of the Plains. The Sioux also raided those tribes frequently, particularly the Mandan, Arikara, Hidatsa, and Pawnee, actions that eventually drove the agriculturists to ally themselves with the U.S. military against the Sioux tribes.



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Sioux men acquired status by performing brave deeds in warfare; horses and scalps obtained in a raid were evidence of valour. Sioux women were skilled at porcupine-quill and bead embroidery, favouring geometric designs; they also produced prodigious numbers of processed bison hides during the 19th century, when the trade value of these “buffalo robes” increased dramatically. Community policing was performed by men’s military societies, the most significant duty of which was to oversee the buffalo hunt. Women’s societies generally focused on fertility, healing, and the overall well-being of the group. Other societies focused on ritual dance and shamanism.

Religion was an integral part of all aspects of Sioux life, as it was for all Native American peoples. The Sioux recognized four powers as presiding over the universe, and each power in turn was divided into hierarchies of four. The buffalo had a prominent place in all Sioux rituals. Among the Teton and Santee the bear was also a symbolically important animal; bear power obtained in a vision was regarded as curative, and some groups enacted a ceremonial bear hunt to protect warriors before their departure on a raid. Warfare and supernaturalism were closely connected, to the extent that designs suggested in mystical visions were painted on war shields to protect the bearers from their enemies. The annual Sun Dance was the most important religious event.


Having suffered from the encroachment of the Ojibwa, the Sioux were extremely resistant to incursions upon their new territory. Teton and Yankton territory included the vast area between the Missouri River and the Teton Mountains and between the Platte River on the south and the Yellowstone River on the north—i.e., all or parts of the present-day states of Montana, North Dakota, South Dakota, Nebraska, Colorado, and Wyoming. This territory was increasingly broached as the colonial frontier moved westward past the Mississippi River in the mid-19th century. The California Gold Rush of 1849 opened a floodgate of travelers, and many Sioux became incensed by the U.S. government’s attempt to establish the Bozeman Trail and other routes through the tribes’ sovereign lands.


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The United States sought to forestall strife by negotiating the First Treaty of Fort Laramie (1851) with the Sioux and other Plains peoples. The treaty assigned territories to each tribe throughout the northern Great Plains and set terms for the building of forts and roads within the region. In accordance with the treaty the Santee Sioux gave up most of their land in Minnesota in exchange for annuities and other considerations. They were restricted to a reservation and encouraged to take up agriculture, but government mismanagement of the annuities, depleted game reserves, and a general resistance to an agricultural lifestyle combined to precipitate starvation on the reservation by 1862. That year, with many settler men away fighting the Civil War, Santee warriors under the leadership of Chief Little Crow mounted a bloody attempt to clear their traditional territory of outsiders. U.S. troops soon pacified the region, but only after more than 400 settlers, 70 U.S. soldiers, and 30 Santee had been killed. More than 300 Santee were condemned to death for their roles in what had become known as the Sioux Uprising; although President Lincoln commuted the sentences of most of these men, 38 Santee were ultimately hanged in the largest mass execution in U.S. history. After their defeat the Santee were relocated to reservations in Dakota Territory and Nebraska.



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Although the Native peoples of the Plains had putatively accepted some development in the West by agreeing to the terms of the First Treaty of Fort Laramie, many were soon dissatisfied with the extent of encroachment on their land. In 1865–67 the Oglala chief Red Cloud led thousands of Sioux warriors in a campaign to halt construction of the Bozeman Trail. In December 1866, warriors under Chief High Backbone drew a U.S. military patrol from Fort Phil Kearny into an ambush. The patrol’s commanding officer, Capt. William J. Fetterman, ignored warnings that the Sioux often used apparently injured riders as decoys to draw their enemies into poorly defensible locations. Fetterman led his men in chase of such a decoy, and the entire group of some 80 U.S. soldiers was killed; the decoy was Crazy Horse, already displaying the characteristics that later made him a major military leader among his people. The worst U.S. defeat on the Plains to that point, the so-called Fetterman Massacre reignited the anti-Indian sentiment that had flared in the eastern states after the Sioux Uprising of 1862.

The terms of the Second Treaty of Fort Laramie (1868) implicitly acknowledged that the West was proving a very expensive and difficult place to develop; the United States agreed to abandon the Bozeman Trail and guaranteed the Sioux peoples exclusive possession of the present state of South Dakota west of the Missouri River. When gold was discovered in the Black Hills of South Dakota in the mid-1870s, however, thousands of miners disregarded the treaty and swarmed onto the Sioux reservation, thus precipitating another round of hostilities.



The Battle of the Little Bighorn and the cessation of war

At the Battle of the Little Bighorn in June 1876, a large contingent of Sioux and Cheyenne warriors again took advantage of the hubris of U.S. officers, overwhelming Lieut. Col. George A. Custer and 200 men of his 7th Cavalry. This definitive indigenous victory essentially sealed the fate of the tribes by instigating such shock and horror among American citizens that they demanded unequivocal revenge. The so-called Plains Wars essentially ended later in 1876, when American troops trapped 3,000 Sioux at the Tongue River valley; the tribes formally surrendered in October, after which the majority of members returned to their reservations.



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In spite of the surrender of most Sioux bands, the chiefs Sitting Bull, Crazy Horse, and Gall refused to take their people to the reservations. Crazy Horse surrendered in 1877 only to be killed later that year while resisting arrest for leaving the reservation without authorization; he was reportedly transporting his ill wife to her parents’ home. Sitting Bull and Gall escaped to Canada for several years, returning to the United States in 1881 and surrendering without incident.



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In 1890–91 the Ghost Dance religion began to take a strong hold among the Sioux people; it promised the coming of a messiah, the disappearance of all people of European descent from North America, the return of large buffalo herds and the lifestyle they supported, and reunion with the dead. The new religion held great appeal, as most of the Sioux bands had suffered harsh privations while confined to reservations: game had all but disappeared; the supplies and annuities promised in treaties were frequently stolen by corrupt officials; and many people lived almost continuously on the verge of starvation. Believing that the Ghost Dance religion threatened an already uneasy peace, U.S. government agents set out to arrest its leaders. In 1890 Sitting Bull was ordered to stay away from Ghost Dance gatherings; he stated that he intended to defy the order and was killed as Lakota policemen attempted to take him into custody. When the revitalized U.S. 7th Cavalry—Custer’s former regiment—massacred more than 200 Sioux men, women, and children at Wounded Knee Creek later that year, the Sioux ceased military resistance.







Who are the Cherokee people?


The Cherokee are North American Indians of Iroquoian lineage who constituted one of the largest politically integrated tribes at the time of European colonization of the Americas. Their name is derived from a Creek word meaning “people of different speech”; many prefer to be known as Keetoowah or Tsalagi.

The Iroquoian languages include Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, Seneca, Tuscarora (the languages spoken by the People of the Longhouse or Haudenosaunee, and the nations that comprise the Iroquois Confederacy or League of the Five [Six] Nations), Huron-Wyandot, and a few lesser-known languages They are believed to have numbered some 22,500 individuals in 1650, and they controlled approximately 40,000 square miles (100,000 square km) of the Appalachian Mountains in parts of present-day Georgia, eastern Tennessee, and the western parts of what are now North Carolina and South Carolina.


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Traditional Cherokee life and culture greatly resembled that of the Creek and other tribes of the Southeast. The Cherokee nation was composed of a confederacy of symbolically red (war) and white (peace) towns. The chiefs of individual red towns were subordinated to a supreme war chief, while the officials of individual white towns were under the supreme peace chief. The peace towns provided sanctuary for wrongdoers; war ceremonies were conducted in red towns.

When encountered by Spanish explorers in the mid-16th century, the Cherokee possessed a variety of stone implements, including knives, axes, and chisels. They wove baskets, made pottery, and cultivated corn (maize), beans, and squash. Deer, bear, and elk furnished meat and clothing. Cherokee dwellings were bark-roofed windowless log cabins, with one door and a smoke hole in the roof. A typical Cherokee town had between 30 and 60 such houses and a council house, where general meetings were held and a sacred fire burned. An important religious observance was the Busk, or Green Corn, festival, a firstfruits and new-fires celebration.



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The Spanish, French, and English all attempted to colonize parts of the Southeast, including Cherokee territory. By the early 18th century the tribe had chosen alliance with the British in both trading and military affairs. During the French and Indian War (1754–63) they allied themselves with the British; the French had allied themselves with several Iroquoian tribes, which were the Cherokee’s traditional enemies. By 1759 the British had begun to engage in a scorched-earth policy that led to the indiscriminate destruction of native towns, including those of the Cherokee and other British-allied tribes. Tribal economies were seriously disrupted by British actions. In 1773 the Cherokee and the Creek had to exchange a portion of their land to relieve the resulting indebtedness, ceding more than two million acres (more than 809,000 hectares) in Georgia through the Treaty of Augusta.

In 1775 the Overhill Cherokee were persuaded at the Treaty of Sycamore Shoals to sell an enormous tract of land in central Kentucky to the privately owned Transylvania Land Company. Although land sales to private companies violated British law, the treaty nevertheless became the basis for the colonial settlement of that area. As the American War of Independence loomed, the Transylvania Land Company declared its support of the revolutionaries. The Cherokee became convinced that the British were more likely to enforce boundary laws than a new government and announced their determination to support the crown. Despite British attempts to restrain them, a force of 700 Cherokee under Chief Dragging Canoe attacked the colonist-held forts of Eaton’s Station and Fort Watauga (in what is now North Carolina) in July 1776. Both assaults failed, and the tribe retreated in disgrace. Those raids were the first in a series of attacks by Cherokee, Creek, and Choctaw on frontier towns, eliciting a vigorous response by militia and regulars of the Southern colonies during September and October. At the end of that time, Cherokee power was broken, their crops and villages destroyed, and their warriors dispersed. The defeated tribes sued for peace. In order to obtain it, they were forced to surrender vast tracts of territory in North and South Carolina at the Treaty of DeWitt’s Corner (May 20, 1777) and the Treaty of Long Island of Holston (July 20, 1777).

Peace reigned for the next two years. When Cherokee raids flared up in 1780 during the American preoccupation with British armed forces elsewhere, punitive action led by Colonel Arthur Campbell and Colonel John Sevier subdued the tribe again. The second Treaty of Long Island of Holston (July 26, 1781) confirmed previous land cessions and caused the Cherokee to yield additional territory.



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After 1800 the Cherokee were remarkable for their assimilation of American settler culture. The tribe formed a government modeled on that of the United States. Under Chief Junaluska they aided Andrew Jackson against the Creek in the Creek War, particularly in the Battle of Horseshoe Bend. They adopted colonial methods of farming, weaving, and home building. Perhaps most remarkable of all was the syllabary of the Cherokee language, developed in 1821 by Sequoyah, a Cherokee who had served with the U.S. Army in the Creek War. The syllabary—a system of writing in which each symbol represents a syllable—was so successful that almost the entire tribe became literate within a short time. A written constitution was adopted, and religious literature flourished, including translations from the Christian Scriptures. Native Americans’ first newspaper, the Cherokee Phoenix, began publication in February 1828.








Please pay close attention to the following, and you will come to understand that like Hawaii, there are
NO legitimate Indigenous people left in the United States. They have all been replaced by Mulattoes and Albino Fakers.




This is a new photograph of Cherokees circulating on "Facebook" - so far we have not been able to authenticate it. Please contact us if you have information. On the surface this family seems to be a hybrid family with elements of Negro phenotype "EAST" coast Indians and Caucasoid WEST coast Indians. Which is in agreement with their history, as stated above, the Cherokee were originally from the Appalachian Mountains in parts of present-day Georgia, eastern Tennessee, and the western parts of what are now North Carolina and South Carolina. Notice also that in the photo above, all three of the women have Mongol features.
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EAST COAST NEGROID INDIANS
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WEST COAST CAUCASOID INDIANS
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DOES ANYBODY SEE A "REAL" INJUN or REDSKIN AROUND THESE PARTS???



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The Cherokee’s rapid acquisition of settler culture did not protect them against the land hunger of those they emulated. When gold was discovered on Cherokee land in Georgia, agitation for the removal of the tribe increased. In December 1835 the Treaty of New Echota, signed by a small minority of the Cherokee, ceded to the United States all Cherokee land east of the Mississippi River for $5 million. The overwhelming majority of tribal members repudiated the treaty and took their case to the U.S. Supreme Court. The court rendered a decision favourable to the tribe, declaring that Georgia had no jurisdiction over the Cherokee and no claim to their land.

Georgia officials ignored the court’s decision, President Andrew Jackson refused to enforce it, and Congress passed the Indian Removal Act of 1830 to facilitate the eviction of tribal members from their homes and territory. Removal was implemented by 7,000 troops commanded by General Winfield Scott. Scott’s men moved through Cherokee territory, forcing many people from their homes at gunpoint. As many as 16,000 Cherokee were thus gathered into camps while their homes were plundered and burned by local Euro-American residents. Subsequently those refugees were sent west in 13 overland detachments of about 1,000 per group, the majority on foot. Additional groups of varying sizes were led by Captain John Benge, part-Cherokee John Bell, and Principal Chief John Ross.


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The eviction and forced march, which came to be known as the Trail of Tears, took place during the fall and winter of 1838–39. Although Congress had allocated funds for the operation, it was badly mismanaged, and inadequate food supplies, shelter, and clothing led to terrible suffering, especially after frigid weather arrived. The trail cost the Indians nearly everything; they had to pay farmers for passing through lands, ferrying across rivers, even burying their dead. About 4,000 Cherokee died on the 116-day journey, many because the escorting troops refused to slow or stop so that the ill and exhausted could recover.

When the main body had finally reached its new home in what is now northeastern Oklahoma, new controversies began with the settlers already there, especially other Native Americans—notably the Osage and the Cherokee group that had immigrated there after the Treaty of 1817. (As a result of the struggle for territory, relations between the Osage and the Cherokee had long been fractious.) In many respects, settlement in Indian Territory was even more difficult than negotiating the trail and took more time. Feuds and murders rent the tribe as reprisals were made on those who had signed the Treaty of New Echota.

In Oklahoma the Cherokee joined four other tribes—the Creek, Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Seminole (see also Black Seminole)—all of which had been forcibly removed from the Southeast by the U.S. government in the 1830s. For three-quarters of a century, each tribe had a land allotment and a quasi-autonomous government modeled on that of the United States. In preparation for Oklahoma statehood (1907), some of that land was allotted to individual tribal members; the rest was opened up to homesteaders, held in trust by the federal government, or allotted to freed slaves. Tribal governments were effectively dissolved in 1906 but have continued to exist in a limited form.

At the time of removal in 1838, a few hundred individuals escaped to the mountains and furnished the nucleus for the several thousand Cherokee who were living in western North Carolina in the 21st century. Early 21st-century population estimates indicated more than 730,000 individuals of Cherokee descent living across the United States.

Today, the Cherokee Nation is the largest tribe in the United States with more than 450,000 tribal citizens worldwide. More than 141,000 Cherokee Nation citizens reside within the tribe's reservation boundaries in northeastern Oklahoma.







Cherokee Ancestry


About 200 years ago the Cherokee Indians were one tribe, or "Indian Nation" that lived in the southeast part of what is now the United States. During the 1830's and 1840's, the period covered by the Indian Removal Act, many Cherokees were moved west to a territory that is now the State of Oklahoma. A number remained in the southeast and gathered in North Carolina where they purchased land and continued to live. Others went into the Appalachian Mountains to escape being moved west and many of their descendants may still live there now.


Today, individuals of Cherokee ancestry fall into the following categories: Living persons who were listed on the final rolls of the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma (Dawes Commission Rolls) that were approved and descendants of these persons. These final rolls were closed in 1907. Individuals enrolled as members of the Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians of North Carolina and their descendants who are eligible for enrollment with the Band. Persons on the list of members identified by a resolution dated April 19, 1949, and certified by the Superintendent of the Five Civilized Tribes Agency and their descendants who are eligible for enrollment with the United Keetoowah Band of Cherokee Indian of Oklahoma.
   

All other persons of Cherokee Indian ancestry.

Category 1: After about a half century of self-government, a law enacted in 1906 directed that final rolls be made and that each enrollee be given an allotment of land or paid cash in lieu of an allotment. The Cherokees formally organized in 1975 with the adoption of a new Constitution that superseded the 1839 Cherokee Nation Constitution. This new Constitution establishes a Cherokee Register for the inclusion of any Cherokee for membership purposes in the Cherokee Nation. Members must be citizens as proven by reference to the Dawes Commission Rolls. Including in this are the Delaware Cherokees of Article II of the Delaware Agreement dated May 8, 1867, and the Shawnee Cherokees of Article III of the Shawnee Agreement dated June 9, 1869, and/or their descendants.

P.L. 100-472, authorizes through a planning and negotiation process Indian Tribes to administer and manage programs, activities, function, and services previously managed by the Bureau of Indian Affairs. Pursuant to P.L. 100-472 the Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma has entered into a Self-governance Compact and now provides those services previously provided by the BIA. Enrollment and allotment records are maintained by the Cherokee Nation. Any question with regard to the Cherokee Nation should be referred to:

Cherokee Nation of Oklahoma
P.O. Box 948
Tahlequah, OK 74465
(918) 456-0671
Fax (918) 456-6485.
Category 2

The Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians of North Carolina is a federally recognized tribe and has its own requirements for membership. Inquiries as to these requirements, or for information shown in the records may be addressed to:

BIA's Cherokee Agency
Cherokee, North Carolina 28719
(704) 497-9131(link is external)

or

Eastern Band of Cherokee Indians
P.O. Box 455
Cherokee, North Carolina 28719
(207) 497-2771 (Ask for the Tribal Enrollment Office)
Fax (704) 497-2952
Category 3

By the Act of August 10, 1946, 60 Stat. 976, Congress recognized the United Keetoowah Band of Cherokee Indians in Oklahoma (UKB) for the purposes of organizing under the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act. In 1950, the UKB organized under a Constitution and Bylaws approved by the Secretary of the Interior. Members of the UKB consist of all persons whose names appear on the list of members identified by a resolution dated April 19, 1949, and certified by the Superintendent of the Five Civilized Tribes Agency on November 26, 1949, with the governing body of the UKB having the power to prescribe rules and regulations governing future membership. The supreme governing body (UKB Council) consist of 9 members, elected to represent the nine districts of the old Cherokee Nation and four officers, elected at large. Information may be obtained by writing

United Keetoowah Band of Cherokee Indians
P.O. Box 746
Tahlequah Oklahoma, 74465-9432
(918) 456-5491
Fax (918) 456-9601
Category 4

Information about Indian ancestry of individuals in this category of Cherokees is more difficult to locate. This is primarily because the federal government has never maintained a list of all the persons of Cherokee Indian descent, indicating their tribal affiliation, degree of Indian blood or other data. In order to establish Cherokee ancestry you should use the same methods prescribed in "Indian Ancestry" and "Genealogical Research" material. (Reference directories " INDIAN ANCESTRY" and " GENEALOGICAL RESEARCH")







The Choctaw


The Choctaw, North American Indian tribe of Muskogean linguistic stock that traditionally lived in what is now southeastern Mississippi.
The Choctaw dialect is very similar to that of the Chickasaw, and there is evidence that they are a branch of the latter tribe.


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In the mid-18th century, there were 20,000 Choctaw living in 60 or 70 settlements along the Pearl, Chickasawhay, and Pascagoula rivers. Their dwellings were thatched-roof cabins of logs or bark plastered over with mud. Among the southeastern agriculturalists the Choctaw were perhaps the most skillful farmers, producing surplus crops to sell and trade. They planted corn (maize), beans, and pumpkins; fished; gathered nuts and wild fruits; and hunted deer and bear. Their most important community ritual was the Busk, or Green Corn, festival, a first-fruits and new-fire rite celebrated at midsummer. A notable funerary custom involved the ritual removal of the bones of the deceased from the body; subsequently, the bones were placed in an ossuary. This ritual was performed by spiritually powerful men and women known as bone-gatherers or bone-pickers, with the departed’s family members in attendance. Bone-gatherers were notable for their distinctive tattooing and long fingernails.

In the power struggles that took place after colonization, the Choctaw were generally allied with the French against the English, the Chickasaw, and other Native American tribes. After the French defeat in the French and Indian War (1754–63), some Choctaw land was ceded to the United States and some tribal members began moving west across the Mississippi. In the 19th century the growth of the European market for cotton increased the pressure for the acquisition of Choctaw land, and in 1820 they ceded 5,000,000 acres in west central Mississippi to the United States. In the 1830s the Choctaw were forced to move to what is now Oklahoma, as were the other members of the Five Civilized Tribes—the Creek, Cherokee, Chickasaw, and Seminole. For three-quarters of a century each tribe had a communal land allotment and a quasi-autonomous government modelled on that of the United States. In preparation for Oklahoma statehood (1907), some of this land was allotted to individuals from the Five Civilized Tribes; the rest was opened up to white homesteaders, held in trust by the federal government, or allotted to freed slaves. Tribal governments were effectively dissolved in 1906 but have continued to exist in a limited form. Choctaw descendants numbered more than 159,000 in the early 21st century.




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Pomo Indians


Pomo, Hokan-speaking North American Indians of the west coast of the United States. Their territory was centred in the Russian River valley some 50 to 100 miles (80 to 160 km) north of what is now San Francisco. Pomo territory also included the adjacent coastlands and the interior highlands near Clear Lake. A small detached group lived in the Sacramento River valley surrounded by Wintun people.


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Traditionally, the Pomo were a comparatively wealthy people, well supplied with food and other natural resources. Fish, waterfowl, deer, acorns, bulb plants, seeds, and other wild foods were plentiful. Northeastern Pomo settlements held a lucrative salt deposit, and southeastern settlements had magnesite, a substance that was combined with ground shells and made into the beads that were used as standard currency in north-central California. Pomo basketry, considered by some to be the finest in California, was exceptionally well twined and intricately ornamented, using various woody materials, beads, and coloured feathers. Pomo housing varied with the locale: coastal residents constructed dwellings of heavy timber and bark, and inland peoples built various types of dwellings out of such materials as poles, brush, grass, and tule mats. Traditional Pomo religion involved the Kuksu cult, a set of beliefs and practices involving private ceremonies, esoteric dances and rituals, and impersonations of spirits. There were also ceremonies for such things as ghosts, coyotes, and thunder. Early 21st-century population estimates indicated approximately 8,000 individuals of Pomo descent.



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The Paiute Indians (2)

Paiute, self-name Numa, either of two distinct North American Indian groups that speak languages of the Numic group of the Uto-Aztecan family. The Southern Paiute, who speak Ute, at one time occupied what are now southern Utah, northwestern Arizona, southern Nevada, and southeastern California, the latter group being known as the Chemehuevi. Although encroached upon and directed into reservations by the U.S. government in the 19th century, the Southern Paiute had comparatively little friction with settlers and the U.S. military; many found ways to stay on their traditional lands, usually by working on ranches or living on the fringes of the new towns.



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The Northern Paiute (called Paviotso in Nevada) are related to the Mono of California. Like a number of other California and Southwest Indians, the Northern Paiute have been known derogatorily as “Diggers” because some of the wild foods they collected required digging. They occupied east-central California, western Nevada, and eastern Oregon. A related group, the Bannock, lived with the Shoshone in southern Idaho, where they were bison hunters. After 1840 a rush of prospectors and farmers despoiled the arid environment’s meager supply of food plants, after which the Northern Paiute acquired guns and horses and fought at intervals with the trespassers until 1874, when the last Paiute lands were appropriated by the U.S. government.


The Northern and Southern Paiute were traditionally hunting and gathering cultures that subsisted primarily on seed, pine nuts, and small game, although many Southern Paiute also planted small gardens. Given the warm climate of the area, they chose to live in temporary brush shelters, wore little or no clothing except rabbit-skin blankets, and made a variety of baskets for gathering and cooking food. Families were affiliated through intermarriage, but there were no formal bands or territorial organizations except in the more fertile areas such as the Owens River valley in California.



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Ute Indians


Ute Indians (who call themselves Nuciu, “The People”) are Southern Numic speakers of the Numic (Shoshonean) language family. At the time of Euro-American contact, twelve informally affiliated Ute bands inhabited most of Utah and western Colorado. They included the Cumumba (probably a Shoshone band), the Tumpanuwac, Uinta-at, San Pitch, Pahvant, and Sheberetch in Utah, and the Yamparka, Parianuc, Taviwac, Wiminuc, Kapota, and Muwac in Colorado. The bands recognized, traded, and intermarried with each other, but maintained no larger tribal organization. Band members gathered annually at their spring Bear Dance or to take advantage of some resource abundance, but otherwise remained in local residence groups of from 20 to 100 people.

Utes practiced a flexible subsistence system elegantly adapted to their environments. Extended family groups moved through known hunting and gathering territories on a seasonal basis, taking advantage of the periodic abundance of food and material resources in different ecozones. Men hunted deer, antelope, buffalo, rabbits, and other small mammals and birds with bows and arrows, spears, and nets. Women gathered seed grasses, pinenuts, berries, roots, and greens in woven baskets, and processed and stored meat and vegetal materials for winter use. Utes took advantage of the abundance of fish in Utah Lake and other fresh water sources, drying and storing them for trade and winter use.


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The Ute Indians took advantage of the abundance of fish in Utah Lake and other freshwater sources, drying and storing them for trade and winter use. Cultivation of food plants was an early contact adaptation limited to the Pahvant. Ute families lived in brush wickiups and ramadas in the western and southern areas and used hide tepees in the eastern reaches of Ute territory. Men and women kept their hair long or braided, and depending on the region and season wore woven fiber skirts and sandals, rabbit skin robes, and leather shirts, skirts, and leggings. They made baskets and skin bags for carrying their goods, as well as implements of bone, stone, and wood.

Utes acquired horses from the Spanish by 1680. Especially in the eastern areas, horses increased Ute mobility, allowing them to focus on big game mammals and adopt Plains Cultural elements. Horses facilitated Ute raiding and trading, making them respected warriors and important middlemen in the southwestern slave and horse trade. While involved in this trade with Hispanic settlers, Utes remain independent from colonial control. With the exception of the 1776 Dominguez and Escalante expedition, few explorers ventured into Ute territory until the 1810s when a growing number of trappers passed through or established temporary trading posts. Beginning in 1847, Utes experienced the full impact of Euro-American contact with the arrival of Mormon settlers.



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The initial Mormon settlement in the Salt Lake Valley occurred in a joint occupancy zone between Utes and Shoshones, and therefore caused little immediate disruption. But as settlers moved south along the Wasatch Front, they began competing with Utes for the scarce resources of these valuable oasis environments. Pushed from the land, Utes led by Wakara retaliated in a series of subsistence raids against isolated Mormon settlements. The Walker War (1853-54) signaled the beginning of Ute subsistence displacement and the “open hand, mailed fist” Indian policy of Brigham Young–feeding when possible, fighting when necessary.

Between 1855 and 1860, Indian Agent Garland Hurt organized Indian farms at Spanish Fork, San Pete, and Corn Creek, hoping to encourage Utes to settle down and farm. Believing that staying in one place meant certain starvation–a belief borne out by consistent crop failures–Utes resisted agrarian settlement and the farms collapsed. In 1861 President Abraham Lincoln set aside the two-million-acre Uintah Valley Reservation for the Ute bands, but Autenquer, a San Pitch war leader, rallied Ute and Southern Paiute resistance to removal in a series of attacks and subsistence raids known as the Black Hawk War (1863-68). By 1869, starving and suffering from Mormon retaliation, Utes turned to civil leader Tabby-to-kwana who led them onto the reservation.

Utes found an inhospitable environment and little prepared for them in the Uintah Basin. Throughout the 1870s these Uintah Utes continued to hunt and gather in the surrounding country while agents cultivated fields in an effort to convince them to settle down. Things became more difficult in 1881 when the federal government forcibly removed the Yamparka and Parianuc (White River) Utes from Colorado to the Uintah Reservation. The following year the government moved the peaceful Taviwac (Uncompahgre) Utes to the adjoining two-million-acre Ouray Reservation.



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Removal and consolidation on the Uintah-Ouray Reservation generated a number of problems for and between the Uintah, White River and Uncompahgre bands. Suspicion and jealousy over land and money, diminished opportunities to travel and hunt, and attitudes towards farming divided the bands. These problems were compounded in 1897 and again in 1905 when the government allotted the reservations and opened the remainder for white entry. Each Ute received an 80 to 160 acre plot for farming and access to a communal grazing district. In the end, allotment reduced Ute land holdings by over 85 percent. The construction of expensive irrigation projects did little to improve Ute farming and led to extensive leasing and the alienation of yet more land. Allotment ultimately limited the potential for a successful livestock industry. Short-term resistance to allotment and directed change included the Ute outbreak of 1906-08, during which nearly 400 Utes fled to South Dakota. Longer-term resistance included adoption of the Sun Dance religion and Peyotism–attempts to bind the people together and maintain an Indian identity.

During the early twentieth century, Utes worked or leased their land, performed wage labor for area whites or the Indian agency, or made do on the modest per capita distributions from the tribe. During the 1920s and 1930s they organized a business council composed of elected representatives from each of the three bands and incorporated as the Northern Ute Tribe. Between 1909 and 1965 the tribe was part of several successful federal claims cases, but most of the money judgments went to finance the irrigation project, tribal operations, or was tied up in regulated trusts and individual accounts. In 1954, following a longstanding dispute within the tribe, Northern Utes accepted a division of assets and the termination of federal recognition for people with blood quantums less than one-half. The mixed-bloods organized as the Affiliated Ute Citizens.

In the 1970s and early 1980s, Northern Utes benefited from increased oil and gas development on reservation lands in the form of jobs and severance taxes. The Northern Utes have also been key players in the Central Utah Project, receiving money and stored water in return for the diversion of their watershed runoff into central Utah. Their political clout increased in 1986 when the U.S. Supreme Court upheld the tribe’s right to exercise “legal jurisdiction” over all pre-allotment reservation lands, giving them an undefined amount of legal control over the land and citizens of eastern Utah. In the 1990s, the Northern Ute Tribe boasts nearly 3,000 members and is an increasingly powerful force in local and state politics. They are active in maintaining their language and cultural traditions while improving the economic situation of tribal members through education, tribal enterprises, and planned development.




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The Pawnee


Pawnee, North American Indian people of Caddoan linguistic stock who lived on the Platte River in what is now Nebraska, U.S., from before the 16th century to the latter part of the 19th century. In the 19th century the Pawnee tribe was composed of relatively independent bands: the Kitkehahki, Chaui, Pitahauerat, and Skidi. Each of these bands occupied several villages, which were the basic social unit of the Pawnee people.



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Like many other Plains Indians, the Pawnee traditionally lived in large dome-shaped earth-covered lodges during most of the year, opting for tepees while on bison hunts. Pawnee women raised corn (maize), squash, and beans and were practiced in the art of pottery making. Horses were first introduced in the 17th and 18th centuries from Spanish settlements in the Southwest.



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Pawnee class distinctions favoured chiefs, priests, and shamans. Each chief of a village or band had in his keeping a sacred bundle, a hide-wrapped collection of small ritualistic items of importance to the group. Shamans were believed to possess special powers to treat illness and to ward off enemy raids and food shortages. Priests were trained in the performance of rituals and sacred songs. Along with shamanistic and hunt societies, the Pawnee also had military societies.



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The traditional religion of the Pawnee was quite elaborate. They believed some of the stars to be gods and performed rituals to entreat their presence, and they also used astronomy in practical affairs (e.g., to determine when to plant corn). Corn was regarded as a symbolic mother through whom the sun god, Shakuru, bestowed his blessing. Other important deities were the morning and evening stars and Tirawa, the supreme power who created all these. For a time, Pawnee religion included the sacrifice of a captive adolescent girl to the morning star, but this practice ended in the 19th century.


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Relations between the Pawnee and settlers were peaceful, and many Pawnee individuals served as scouts in the U.S. Army of the Frontier. Pawnee have served in various branches of the U.S. military and in each of the country’s conflicts since the Plains Wars of the 19th century. The Pawnee ceded most of their land in Nebraska to the U.S. government by treaties in 1833, 1848, and 1857. In 1876 their last Nebraska holdings were given up, and they were moved to Oklahoma, where they remained. Early 21st-century population estimates indicated some 6,200 individuals of Pawnee descent, including more than 3,200 people registered officially as members of the Pawnee Nation of Oklahoma.






The Apache


Apache, North American Indians who, under such leaders as Cochise, Mangas Coloradas, Geronimo, and Victorio, figured largely in the history of the Southwest during the latter half of the 19th century. Their name is probably derived from a Spanish transliteration of ápachu, the term for “enemy” in Zuńi. Before Spanish colonization, Apache domain extended over what are now (in the United States) east-central and southeastern Arizona, southeastern Colorado, southwestern and eastern New Mexico, and western Texas and (in Mexico) northern Chihuahua and Sonora states. However, the ancestral Apache probably did not reach the Southwest until at least 1100 ce. They apparently migrated to the area from the far north, for the Apachean languages are clearly a subgroup of the Athabaskan language family; with the exception of the Navajo, all other Athabaskan-speaking tribes were originally located in what is now western Canada.

Although the Apache eventually chose to adopt a nomadic way of life that relied heavily on horse transport, semisedentary Plains Apache farmers were living along the Dismal River in what is now Kansas as recently as 1700. When the horse and gun trades converged in the central Plains about 1750, guerrilla-style raiding by previously nomadic groups such as the Comanche greatly increased. The remaining Plains Apache were severely pressured and retreated to the south and west.


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Culturally, the Apache are divided into Eastern Apache, which include the Mescalero, Jicarilla, Chiricahua, Lipan, and Kiowa Apache, and Western Apache, which include the Cibecue, Mimbreńo, Coyotero, and Northern and Southern Tonto or Mogollon Apache. With the exception of the Kiowa Apache, who joined the Kiowa tribal circle (adopting Kiowa customs and allegiance), the Apache traditionally functioned without a centralized tribal organization. Instead, the band, an autonomous small group within a given locality, was the primary political unit as well as the primary raiding unit. The strongest headman of a band was recognized as an informal chief, and several bands might be united under one leader. Chieftainship was thus an earned privilege rather than a hereditary one.

Once the Apache had moved to the Southwest, they developed a flexible subsistence economy that included hunting and gathering wild foods, farming, and obtaining food and other items from Pueblo villages via trade, livestock hunts, and raiding. The proportion of each activity varied greatly from tribe to tribe. The Jicarilla farmed fairly extensively, growing corn (maize) and other vegetables, and also hunted bison extensively. The Lipan of Texas, who were probably originally a band of Jicarilla, had largely given up farming for a more mobile lifestyle. The Mescalero were influenced by the Plains tribes’ corn- and bison-based economies, but their chief food staple was the mescal plant (hence the name Mescalero). The Chiricahua were perhaps the most nomadic and aggressive of the Apache west of the Rio Grande, raiding into northern Mexico, Arizona, and New Mexico from their strongholds in the Dragoon Mountains. The Western Apache appear to have been more settled than their Eastern relatives; although their economy emphasized farming, they did raid fully sedentary tribes frequently. One of the Western Apache tribes, the Navajo, traded extensively with the Pueblo tribes and was heavily influenced by these firmly agriculturist cultures.



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Although they were among the fiercest groups on the colonial frontiers of Mexico and the United States, and perhaps because of their confidence in their own military prowess, the Apache initially attempted to be friends of the Spanish, Mexicans, and Americans. As early as the 17th century, however, Apache bands were raiding Spanish missions; the Spanish failure to protect missionized Pueblo villages from Apache raids during a five-year drought in the late 17th century may have helped to instigate the Pueblo Rebellion of 1680. During the Spanish retaliation immediately following the revolt, many Pueblo individuals took shelter with the Navajo.

In 1858 a meeting at Apache Pass in the Dragoon Mountains between the Americans and the Chiricahua Apache resulted in a peace that lasted until 1861, when Cochise went on the warpath. This marked the beginning of 25 years of confrontation between U.S. military forces and the native peoples of the Southwest. The causes of the conflict included the Apache disinclination toward reservation life and incursions onto Apache lands that were related to the development of gold, silver, and coal mining operations in the region; the latter often took place with the consent of corrupt Office of Indian Affairs staff.




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Despite their adept use of swift horses and their knowledge of the terrain, the Apache were eventually outmatched by the superior arms of American troops. The Navajo surrendered in 1865 and agreed to settle on a reservation in New Mexico. Other Apache groups ostensibly followed suit in 1871–73, but large numbers of warriors refused to yield their nomadic ways and accept permanent confinement. Thus, intermittent raids continued to be led by such Apache leaders as Geronimo and Victorio, evoking federal action once more.

The last of the Apache wars ended in 1886 with the surrender of Geronimo and his few remaining followers. The Chiricahua tribe was evacuated from the West and held as prisoners of war successively in Florida, in Alabama, and at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, for a total of 27 years. In 1913 the members of the tribe were given the choice of taking allotments of land in Oklahoma or living in New Mexico on the Mescalero Reservation. Approximately one-third chose the former and two-thirds the latter. Apache descendants totaled some 100,000 individuals in the early 21st century.


Jimmy McKinn

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"Some" California Indian Tribes


For thousands of years the Native Americans of California – the Shasta, the Chumash, the Yurok, or one of the many other California Indian tribes and language groups – lived in harmony with the land until, in the late 18th century, Spanish Franciscan friars from Mexico arrived in Southern California to found missions, convert the native peoples and set them to labour on the mission farms and ranches, colonising the area between San Diego and Fort Ross. The Spanish coincided with Russian fur traders, who had arrived in California by way of Alaska and who imposed their own form of colonisation on the coastal regions, as they sought the precious pelts of sea otters. In 1846, US military officers took control of California, declaring it to be ‘henceforth … a portion of the United States’. In 1848, gold was found in the American River and, by 1849, fortune-seekers had started to arrive in great droves. Others came to California to take advantage of the beautiful and fertile landscape, to found lodgings, build roads and run lumber mills. The modern settlement of California had begun.


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In 1880, a census recorded that there were just 16,277 Native Americans in California. It is estimated, however, that a century earlier the native population had been around 310,000; approximately half are thought to have died in the Russo-Hispanic period (1769-1846). This means that the Native American population fell by around 134,000 in the 31 years that followed the discovery of gold. Many, especially in the first swathe, had died from what Thomas Hariot in his 16th-century account of the native peoples of Virginia – pondering the ‘marvellous accident’ by which ‘within a few days after our departure … the people began to die very fast’ – described as ‘invisible bullets’: the diseases carried by Europeans that proved deadly to native peoples in colonised areas around the world. But many others died from forced labour and racially motivated massacres.

This fact is glossed and passed over in several of the museums and commemorative sites I’ve seen. The deaths of the Native Americans are mentioned, but disease carries the weight of responsibility and the story quickly moves on to the intrepid settlers, many of whom experienced great hardships. An honourable exception was the excellent volunteer-run museum at Mount Shasta, whose interpretation claims that the gold-seekers and settlers burned native villages and shot their people. They tell the story of Chief Sunrise, Got-A-Uke-Ek-Su, of the Shasta people, who signed a peace treaty in 1851, which was celebrated by a barbecue hosted by the Scott Valley settlers. It was poisoned. Although the chief himself did not eat, realising that the white people were not eating, many Shasta people died and the survivors were forced to relocate to Indian reservations in other states. Only 30 Shasta women, who had married white men, stayed in the area. All today’s Shasta people are descended from them.



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The scholarship is, however, unequivocal about the extermination of the native peoples of California. Benjamin Madley’s 2017 book, An American Genocide, cites earlier works, such as that by anthropologist Russell Thornton, who recognised that ‘the largest, most blatant, deliberate killings of North American Indians by non-Indians surely occurred in California’. Madley’s work exposes many of the so-called Indian wars as simple massacres. If the reality of this has gone unnoticed, it is probably because, between 1846 and 1873, around 80 per cent of Californian Indians died and many of the massacres left no survivors. There are, therefore, few recorded voices of native witnesses to the killings – non-native perpetrator and bystander reports, biased and minimised as they are, become the historian’s major source.

Adam Hochschild’s superlative King Leopold’s Ghost (1998) examines the forced labour and mass extermination of the Congolese people under King Leopold of Belgium, whose personal fiefdom it was. It almost coincided with the Californian atrocities. Both genocides were justified and legitimised by racial hatred. Ideas are not innocent. Remembering the damage they do is why the study of history is so important.







The Kumeyaay


The Kumeyaay, also known as Tipai-Ipai or by the historical Spanish name Diegueńo, is a tribe of Indigenous peoples of the Americas who live at the northern border of Baja California in Mexico and the southern border of California in the United States. They are an indigenous people of California.

The Kumeyaay language belongs to the Yuman–Cochimí language family. The Kumeyaay consist of three related groups, the Ipai, Tipai and Kamia. The San Diego River loosely divided the Ipai and the Tipai historical homelands, while the Kamia lived in the eastern desert areas. The Ipai lived to the north, from Escondido to Lake Henshaw, while the Tipai lived to the south, in lands including the Laguna Mountains, Ensenada, and Tecate. The Kamia lived to the east in an area that included Mexicali and bordered the Salton Sea.


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The Yamassee Indians

Websters:

Yemassees
: an Indian of a Muskogean people of the lower Savannah and the coast of Georgia driven to Florida after defeat by the whites in 1716 and finally incorporated with the Creeks and Seminoles

The Yamasees were a multiethnic confederation of Native Americans who lived in the coastal region of present-day northern coastal Georgia near the Savannah River and later in northeastern Florida. The Yamasees engaged in revolts and wars with other native groups and Europeans living in North America, specifically from Florida to North Carolina. The Yamasees, along with the Guale, are considered from linguistic evidence by many scholars to have been a Muskogean language people. For instance, the Yamasee term "Mico", meaning chief, is also common in Muskogee.

After the Yamasees migrated to the Carolinas, they began participating in the Indian slave trade in the American Southeast. They raided other tribes to take captives for sale to European colonists. Captives from other Native American tribes were sold into slavery, with some being transported to West Indian plantations. Their enemies fought back, and slave trading was a large cause of the Yamasee War.



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The meaning of the name Yamasee is unknown, though it has been interpreted by Muskogee yamasi, "gentle." The form given in some early writings, Yamiscaron, may have been derived from a Siouan dialect or from Timucua, as there is no r in any of the Muskhogean tongues.


The Yamasee towns and chiefs names indicate plainly that they spoke a Muskhogean dialect and tradition affirms that it was connected most closely with Hitchiti, a contention which may be considered probable.

The earliest references that we have place the Yamasee on Ocmulgee River not far above its junction with the Oconee in present-day Georgia. They seem to have ranged or extended northeastward of these rivers to or even slightly beyond the Savannah, but always inland. The Yamasee Indians lived originally near the southern margin of South Carolina, perhaps at times within its borders, but they are rather to be connected with the aboriginal history of Georgia.

In 1687, having become offended with the Spaniards, they settled on the north side of Savannah River on a tract afterward known as the Indian land and remained there in alliance with the colonists until 1715, when they rebelled, were defeated, then fled to St. Augustine.

Villages:

Immediately before the outbreak of the Yamasee War (1715-1716) there were the following:

Upper Towns:

Huspaw, near Huspaw Creek between Combahee River and the Whale Branch. Pocotaligo, near Pocotaligo River.
Sadkeche, probably near Salkehatchie, a hamlet at the Atlantic Coast Line crossing of the Combahee River.
Tomatly, in the neighborhood of Tomatly, Beaufort County, SC.
Yoa, near Huspaw.

Lower towns:

Altamaha, location unknown.
Chasee, location unknown.
Oketee, probaly near one of the places so called on New River, in Jasper and Beaufort Counties, SC.
Pocasabo.
Tulafina (?), perhaps near Tulafinny Creek, an estuary of the Coosawhatchie River in Jasper County, SC.
Other possible Yamasee settlements were Dawfuskee, Ilcombe, and Peterba.

The first reference to the Yamasee appears to be a mention of their name in the form Yamiscaron as that of a province with which Francisco of Chicora was acquainted in 1521. The "Province of Altamaha" mentioned by Hernando De Soto's chronicler, Ranjel, in 1540 probably included at least a part of the Yamasee people.

For a hundred years afterward the tribe remained practically unnoticed except for a brief visit by a Spanish soldier and two missionaries in 1597, but in 1633 they are reported to have asked for missionaries, and in 1639 peace is said to have been made between the allied Chatot, Lower Creeks, and Yamasee and the Apalachee.

In 1675, Bishop Calderon of Cuba founded two missions in the Apalachee country which were occupied by Yamasee or their near relatives. The same year there were three Yamasee missions on the Atlantic coast but one of these may have been occupied by Tamathli. Later they moved nearer St Augustine but in the winter of 1684–85 some act of the Spanish governor offended them and they removed to South Carolina, where the English gave them lands on the west side of Savannah River near its mouth. Some of these Indians were probably from the old Guale province, but the Yamasee now took the lead.

Eighty-seven warriors of this nation took part in Colonel John Barnwell's expedition against the Tuscarora in 1711. In 1715, the Yamassee rose in rebellion against the English and killed two or three hundred settlers but were defeated by Governor Craven and took refuge in Florida, where, until the cession of Florida to Great Britain, the Yamasee continued as allies of the Spaniards.

Meanwhile their numbers fell off steadily. Some remained in the neighborhood of the St. Johns River until the outbreak of the Seminole War. The Oklawaha band of Seminole is said to have been descended from them. Another band accompanied the Apalachee to Pensacola and Mobile, and we find them located near those two places on various charts. They may be identical with those who, shortly afterward, appear among the Upper Creeks on certain maps, though this is the only testimony we have of their presence there.

At any rate, these latter are probably the Yamasee found among the Lower Creeks in the nineteenth century and last heard of among the Seminole of west Florida. Of some historical importance is a small band of these Indians who seem to have lived with the Apalachicola for a time, after the Yamasee War, and in 1730 settled on the site of what is now Savannah under the name of Yamacraw.

There the Georgia colonists found them three years later, and the relations between the two peoples were most amicable. The name Yamacraw was probably derived from that of a Florida mission, Nombre de Dios de Amacarisse, where some of the Yamasee once lived. Ultimately these Yamacraw are believed to have retired among the Creeks and later may have gone to Florida.

It is impossible to separate distinctly the true Yamasee from the Guale Indians. Mooney (1928) gives an estimate of 2,000 in 1650, probably too low. A mission list compiled by Governor Salazar of Florida in 1675 gives 1,190 Yamasee and Tama.In 1708, the two tribes united under the name Yamasee, were thought to have 500 men capable of bearing arms. In 1715, a rather careful census gives 413 men and a total population of 1,215. Lists dating from 1726 and 1728 give 313 and 144 respectively in the missions about St. Augustine.

A fairly satisfactory Spanish census, taken in 1736, indicates that there were then in the neighborhood of St. Augustine more than 360 Yamasee and Indians of Guale. This does not include the Yamasee near Pensacola and Mobile, those in the Creek Nation, or the Yamacraw. In 1761, a body of Yamasee containing twenty men was living near St. Augustine, but by that time the tribe had probably scattered widely.

In 1821, the "Emusas" on Chattahoochee River numbered twenty souls. The Yamasee are famous particularly on account of the Yamasee War (1715-1716), which marked an epoch in Indian and white history in the Carolinas. At the end of the seventeenth century, a certain stroke was used in paddling canoes along the coast of Georgia, South Carolina, and Florida, which was called the "Yamasee stroke." A small town in Beaufort County, SC, is called "Yemasee," a variant of this name.



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Yamacraw Indians

The Yamacraw Indians were a small band that existed from the late 1720s to the mid-1740s in the Savannah area. First led by Tomochichi and then by his nephew and heir Toonahowi, they consisted of about 200 people and contained a mix of Lower Creeks and Yamasees. Most eventually reintegrated themselves with the Lower Creeks to avoid future confrontation with European intruders.

Before the Yamacraws’ formation, the Creeks and the Yamasees dominated the region now known as the state of Georgia. Both nations came under the economic influence of British traders based out of Charleston, South Carolina. As the Indians slid further into debt, the British required immediate payment in the forms of deerskins and/or enslaved Indians. Rather than submit to these demands, the Yamasees attacked British traders and settlers in backcountry South Carolina in 1715, resulting in the Yamasee War, and the Creeks joined their relatives in the fight. When hostilities ended two years later, the Creeks, led by Brims, were quick to reestablish trade with the British, which offended their Yamasee allies, who instead linked with the Spanish out of St. Augustine, in present-day Florida.

Indians who disagreed with these alliances broke away from their brethren in 1728 and formed the Yamacraws under Tomochichi’s leadership. They relocated to the bluffs overlooking the Savannah River, choosing the site for its vacancy, its proximity to British traders, and its spiritual significance as the resting place of Tomochichi’s ancestors. Here they created a new town and prospered quietly until more British settlers, led by James Edward Oglethorpe, arrived in February 1733. Tomochichi negotiated with Oglethorpe and agreed to move his village upstream from the new outpost that would become Savannah. The two men became strong allies and helped to maintain communication among the various ethnic groups in the area at that time. Many Yamacraws returned inland and rejoined their Lower Creek kinsmen as more British colonists settled in Georgia. With Tomochichi’s death in 1739 and Toonahowi’s death in 1743, the Yamacraws ceased to be an influential force.

The Yamacraws followed many of the same traditions shared by all southeastern Indians, including political organization based on towns and familial connections centered around clans. British treaty negotiations with the Lower Creeks in May 1733 suggest that the Creeks accepted the Yamacraws as a branch of their larger polity, which opened the possibilities for additional kinship ties and for the return of repentant individuals. The Yamacraws believed in one god and an afterlife and that spirits inhabited all objects, natural and man-made. Since the group developed in the years after contact with whites, the Yamacraws were already familiar with European traders and had acquired the diplomatic skills necessary to negotiate shrewdly with newcomers and to choose their alliances carefully. They understood the importance of trade and relied upon outposts like the one Mary Musgrove, a Creek-British woman, operated nearby to supply them with certain items in exchange for deerskins and other native goods. The Yamacraws, as a subsidiary of the Lower Creeks, lasted for less than two decades before merging with that larger nation to avoid encroaching British settlers.





The Seminole



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This is a portrait of Seminole Indian chief Billy Bowlegs (also known as Holata Micco).  Bowlegs was one of the last, most resistant Seminole War leaders, fighting in both the Second and Third Seminole Wars. Hostilities concluded in 1842 but broke out again in 1855 when the U.S. Army moved into Bowlegs’s territory in Florida. He responded by waging guerrilla warfare. Subdued by 1858, he and his followers were removed west of Arkansas, where he became a prominent landowner. In moving west, Bowlegs passed through New Orleans, where John Hawley Clarke took the original version of this portrait. Clarke had established a studio in that city by 1856. The Smithsonian National Gallery.



Seminoles largely trace their ancestry to the ancient Indigenous people of Florida (Calusa, Tequesta, Ais, Apalachee, and others) and to the Muscogee Creek and other Native American migrants from Georgia and Alabama who came into Florida in the late 1700s and early 1800s. Thousands of Creek newcomers (often called Red Stick Creeks) joined the indigenous communities in Florida after the Muscogee Creeks fought a civil war during the War of 1812. Many of these Red Sticks became members of the Cow Creek community (now the modern Brighton Reservation of the Seminole Tribe). Outsiders frequently called the Indigenous Floridians “Seminoles” even as the communities themselves referred to themselves differently.

Throughout the first half of the 1800s, the United States attempted to force the Seminoles off their lands and move them to designated Indian Territory (now Oklahoma) as part of the Trail of Tears. Most Seminoles refused to leave voluntarily, and the U.S. military invaded Seminole homelands to enforce removal. Thousands of Seminoles surrendered or were captured or killed in the fighting. This forced removal was part of the U.S. policy of Indian Removal and is how there now exist two separate and sovereign groups of Seminole people. One is in Florida (Seminole Tribe of Florida) and one is in Oklahoma (Seminole Nation of Oklahoma).




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The United States officially splits the military engagement with the Seminoles into three different wars. The First Seminole War lasted from 1816-1818; the Second Seminole War lasted from 1835-1842; the Third Seminole War lasted from 1855-1858. The Seminoles often think of the three wars as a single Seminole War, as no official acts of surrender or concessions ended the wars. Instead, in each case, the United States largely withdrew its troops even as they continued to threaten the Seminoles with additional invasions and threats of removal. Seminoles built their post-war camps with this constant threat in mind and kept US officials at a distance. Decades after the third war ended, Seminoles tended to view the arrival of state or federal officials with trepidation as they believed they were still in a state of war.



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The Seminoles point to many heroes from the long Seminole War and most of these individuals are unknown to the people outside of their community. Two of the most important are Abiaka (Sam Jones) and Emateloye (Polly Parker). Other important leaders included Micanopy, Tiger Tail, Billy Bowlegs, and others. Many non-Seminoles share the common misconception that Osceola was the main leader of the Seminole resistance. In actuality, Osceola was a vocal warrior (never a Chief) who was captured by the United States in October 1837 and died shortly after in a U.S. prison. His capture was controversial in the United States, as it occurred as part of a diplomatic meeting under a flag of truce. As a result, Osceola became a symbol of the Seminole resistance. The Seminole resistance to the United States continued for many years after Osceola’s death. Because of their ability to withstand the U.S. military and maintain their homelands in the heart of South Florida, the Seminole Tribe of Florida consider themselves to be "Unconquered".



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In the early twentieth century, as white newcomers settled along the coasts and then interior of South Florida, the Seminoles increasingly relied on their neighbors for access to the marketplace and for employment. Most camps were largely self-sufficient, but they traded with their new neighbors for luxuries and sometimes to augment their diets. They largely traded animal pelts and hides, bird feathers (especially egret), various fruits and nuts for sewing machines, knives, kettles, guns and ammunition, and various other items that could only be purchased from markets along the coast. The draining of the Everglades in the early 20th century and other issues made it harder for the Seminoles to provide for most of their needs and they increasingly relied on the marketplace. A decline in the pelt, plume, and hide market pushed them to find new paths into the market economy. In the early 20th century, Seminoles increasingly worked as agricultural laborers, cattle hands, and in tourism. In the early twentieth century, the United States formally created the Brighton, Big Cypress, and Dania (later called Hollywood) Reservations. Not all Native American lands are reservations, and the STOF designated reservations only include a small portion of the lands that the Seminoles lived on or considered their homelands. To be a reservation requires the recognition of the federal government. Reservations are technically managed by the federal government in conjunction with tribal governments. Some Seminoles live off of the official reservations, but the few services that the federal government provided and tribal protections largely remained contained to these areas. The other Seminole reservations officially formed much later.




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In exchange for maintaining their self-governance and reservation lands, the Florida Seminoles agreed to create a democratic government and centralized tribe. In 1957, the Seminoles wrote and ratified a constitution which formally created The Seminole Tribe of Florida. It is governed by a Chairman or Chairwoman (not Chief), a President who oversees the Board of Directors, and a Tribal Council that also has voting representatives from its three largest reservations (Hollywood, Big Cypress, and Brighton). Chairperson and President positions are held for four years while the Tribal Council and Board Representative positions are held for two years. Other reservations now have non-voting representation.




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Like most American Indian tribes;
especially those who make a lot of money,
the Seminoles have been taken over by
Albinos and Albino Mulattoes.



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Here is how the Albinos at Wikipedia explained Billy's "BLACK SKIN."

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A couple of decades after it became a federally recognized tribe, the Seminoles became national leaders in the nation’s struggle for economic self-determination. In the 1970s, they fought for the right to sell cigarettes tax free, operate high-stakes Bingo halls, and ultimately open modern casinos. Although they were not the only Native American nation to pursue these objectives, they obtained national prominence for their actions. The fight between local, state, and Tribal interests regarding Seminole bingo resulted in several precedent-setting lawsuits. In particular, the Tribe’s victory in Butterworth vs. Seminole Tribe of Florida led to the federal government's Indian Gaming Regulatory Act, the modern framework for regulating tribal gaming nationwide.

Today the Seminole Tribe of Florida is a global leader in tourism (they own the Hard Rock Inc. and most of the Hard Rock franchises) and in cattle raising. Currently, they have the fourth largest herds in Florida and twelfth largest in the country. With the proceeds from these and other enterprises, the Seminole Tribe of Florida provides a range of governmental services to its citizens and residents. They include state-of-the-art schools, medical care, senior centers, and early learning centers. They also self-govern themselves with their own police and fire departments, housing administration, and court system. Additionally, they have a world class museum: The Ah-Tah-Thi-Ki.


Once Albinos have power, this is always what they will do with it.

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Now you know WHY gov. Ron DeSantis of Florida
does not want children in Florida to know "Black History."










The Five Civilized Tribes, the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw,
Creek, and Seminole Indians in Oklahoma (former Indian Territory).



Five Civilized Tribes, term that has been used officially and unofficially since at least 1866 to designate the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole Indians in Oklahoma (former Indian Territory). Beginning in 1874, they were dealt with as a single body by the Bureau of Indian Affairs of the U.S. Department of Interior, but there has never been any unification or overall organization of these tribes under that name.

The word civilized was applied to the five tribes because, broadly speaking, they had developed extensive economic ties with whites or had assimilated into American settler culture. Some members of these southeastern tribes had adopted European clothing, spoke English, practiced Christianity, and even owned slaves. In 1821 the Cherokee developed a written language, and by 1828 the Cherokee Phoenix, the first Native American newspaper, began publication. The Cherokee also established a strong central government with a constitution based on the U.S. constitution.

The Indian Removal Act of 1830 authorized Pres. Andrew Jackson to accelerate the westward movement of Europeans by relocating Indian tribes to unsettled land west of the Mississippi River. While the act had explicitly provided for the purchase of land from willing parties, the Cherokee, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole had little desire to leave their established communities to begin anew beyond the frontier. When faced with forced removal, the Cherokee used the American federal court system to press their claims against the state of Georgia. Although the Supreme Court twice ruled in favour of the Cherokee nation, Georgia ignored the ruling, and Jackson is said to have declared privately, “[Chief Justice] John Marshall has made his decision, now let him enforce it.”

Challenged by a U.S. government that refused to respect Indian property rights or the rulings of its own judiciary, the so-called Five Civilized Tribes were left with few options. The Seminole waged a prolonged and costly guerrilla war, but most of the tribe ultimately emigrated to the west. The process of forced removal came to be known as the Trail of Tears due to the unnecessary death and hardship that characterized it. The survivors were relocated to large adjoining tracts of land in the eastern part of Indian Territory. Here they maintained a significant degree of autonomy over their internal affairs until 1907. Each organized as a “nation,” with a written constitution and laws, and a republican government modeled on that of the U.S., consisting of an executive department (headed by an elected principal chief or governor), a bicameral legislature, and a judiciary with elected judges and trial by jury. Public school systems were instituted, in part supported by tribal funds and in part provided by Christian church missionaries.

During the American Civil War most tribes were divided between supporters of the Union and the Confederacy, providing soldiers for each army. Their territories were depopulated and devastated. Before this time, and especially following the reorganization of each nation after the war, economic and educational progress was rapid, and distinctive fusions of Indian and Anglo-American cultures developed.

When transcontinental railroads were built through Indian Territory and the settlement of adjoining states increased, the Five Civilized Tribes lost their independence. Between 1893 and 1907 (when Oklahoma became a state) the U.S. government forced the allotment of the tribal lands to individual, enrolled tribal members (including freedmen, former slaves of the Indians) and abrogated the national governments. Former tribal land was opened to white settlement, and many Indian allottees lost their land through unscrupulous practices. The tribal governments have continued in modified form to the present, but with significantly less sovereignty; all tribal members are full citizens of Oklahoma and the United States. The Bureau of Indian Affairs provides some services for enrolled tribal members, but no reservation system is in effect.





Indian Territory

In the early nineteenth century a movement began in the United States to remove Indian tribes from their ancestral lands in the rapidly developing eastern states and settle them in the newly acquired lands west of the Mississippi River. The Indian Removal Act of 1830 established the government policy of relocating the eastern tribes to a separate, reserved "Indian Territory" on the Great Plains. A chronology of contemporaneous maps of the Indian territory reveals the continuous loss of portions of this reserved land, owing to the pressure from non-Indian settlers and the commercial interests in opening Indian lands for non-Indian use. By the 1870s, Indian Territory — which had once extended from the present Texas-Oklahoma border to the Nebraska-Dakota border — had shrunk to encompass only what is today most of the state of Oklahoma. The Geography and Map Division has a strong collection of maps, both federally and commercially published, which document the diminishing of Indian Territory. There is also good coverage of Indian and Oklahoma Territories from the post-Civil War period to 1907 (when the remaining portions of Indian Territory were incorporated into the newly formed state of Oklahoma), and maps of individual parcels of land, such as the "Cherokee Outlet," which were ceded to the United States and opened for non-Indian settlement.


During the 18th century a Creek Confederacy was organized in an attempt to present a united front against both Native and white enemies. It comprised not only the dominant Creeks but also speakers of other Muskogean languages (Hitchiti, Alabama-Koasati) and of non-Muskogean languages (Yuchi, some Natchez and Shawnee).








The Story of the Yamacraws in England


Fact-Checking Savannah's History

Exploring Savannah's history while correcting the myths and misconceptions

All research and commentary by Jefferson Hall

https://savannahhistory.home.blog/2021/03/04/tomochichi-the-yamacraws-and-a-visit-to-london/



When James Oglethorpe made his triumphant return to England in the summer of 1734—his first since founding the Georgia colony—he did not come alone.  On Friday, June 21 1734, as Oglethorpe attended his first Trustee meeting in nineteen months, John Percival, president of the Trustees, wrote in his Diary:  “[I] congratulated Mr. Oglethorpe on his arrival, he being come that morning from his house in Surrey.  We were a more numerous Board than of late, probably in expectation of meeting Mr. Oglethorpe.  Mr. Oglethorpe acquainted us that he had brought over Tomakeeky, the Chief of the Yamacree nation,” Percival observed… clearly spelling everything as a best guess.



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This is how the British describes the photograph - Biography: Red Indian, Chief of the Lower Creeks, sold his land in 1733 and which subsequently became the colony of Savannah, Georgia (USA).



“Mr. Oglethorpe acquainted us that he had brought over Tomakeeky, the Chief of the Yamacree nation, together with his man of war, Toma-chihi’s wife, his grandnephew and five other Indians, his followers. They are come to learn English and the Christian religion and to confirm the peace we made with that and the eight nations their Allies last year.” – John Percival, Diary of Viscount Percival, vol.  2, p. 112


As Percival observed, there was certainly a political advantage in bringing Native Americans into the heart of the English empire.  “Mr. Oglethorp was willing they Should See the Magnificence wealth and Strength of England.  They were very decent in their behaviour, and no less observing of what they Saw.” (Egmont Journal, p. 57)

Nine Native Americans had made this voyage across the Atlantic to England, leaving behind the world they knew as the Aldborough departed from the Charles Town harbor on May 7, 1734.  Tomochichi, Tooanahowi, Senauki, Hillispylli, Apokowski, Umpychi, Stimolichi, Sintouchi and Hinguithi, all stepped off the Aldborough on June 16, accompanied by interpreter John Musgrove.  Fortunately, the six-week passage across the Atlantic had been brisk and largely uneventful, but a fitful introduction into a world of different customs.  As Percival noted: “When they went upon the water, they heard some of the rude multitude swear, which they told Mr. Verelts was very naughty.” (Diary, vol 2, p. 122)  Now on English soil, the delegation—a mix of Creeks and Yamacraws—settled in for what would become a four-month visit.

The guest lodgings were furnished by the Trustees, a set of apartments at the Georgia Office in Westminster.  “We ordered they should be sent for from on shipboard and lodged in two garrets in our offices, and our Porter had direction not to let the mob in to see them.”  As Percival remarked of Tomochichi, “their Chief was 90 years but as hearty as any Man of 50, and had a good understanding.” (Egmont Journal, p. 57)  Marveling that “Their modesty is very great,” Percival recorded an amusing anecdote in the wake of their visit to the Tower of London.


It offended them when being to see the Tower, the flap of Harry the Eighth’s codpiece was taken up… the Queen [Senauki] turned her head away. The King’s [Tomochichi] reflection on it was that to be sure that man had more wives than one….”
– John Percival, Diary of Viscount Percival, vol.  2, p. 122

The delegation made their first appearance before the Georgia Offices in Westminster on Wednesday, July 3, 1734.  Percival’s first impressions were mixed, as they walked into the Georgia Offices dressed in a bizarre “shabby-chic” of English-wear over their traditional Indian garments; they had been presented with English clothing… but apparently didn’t know what to do with the English garments.


They are all brisk and well trimmed people, and would make a good appearance in our habits, but they dress themselves fantastically, will not put on breeches, and wear the shirts we gave them over their covering, which is only a skin that leaves their breasts and thighs and arms open, but they wear shoes of their own making of hides that seem neat and easy.” (Diary, vol. 2, p. 114)


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<< Click here for a larger copy of this picture >>



Who was Tomochichi?

Tomochichi and his small band of renegades stand out as something of an enigma in the historical record.  Interestingly, the Yamacraws had only come to Yamacraw Bluff months before the arrival of the Georgia colonists… though the site apparently marked an ancestral spot.  In 1734 Philip von Reck remarked of an Indian burial mound in town.  “Mr. Oglethorpe has had an avenue cut through the forest which leads to a large garden near the city….  In the middle of the garden is an artificial hill which the Indians say was built over the body of one of their earliest emperors.” (Urlsperger, vol. 1, p. 140)  The mound he mentioned was evidently still intact as late as the 1771 DeBrahm Map, which illustrated it somewhere near the intersection of today’s Bay and Habersham.


The exact ethnicity of each of the Yamacraws is hard to pin down because of the tribes history of assimilation. This is obvious by Tomochichi, who is obviously a Albino mulatto, and his wife who is obviously a mulatto MONGOL. Quote from the book: The exact relationship of Tooanahowi to Tomochichi was often confused among correspondents as “nephew” or “grand-nephew.”  In fact, Percival explained it as it was told to him by Tomochichi following a dinner at Percival’s manor on August 19, 1734:  “His nephew, as he calls him, but who is grandson to his wife.” So this may be the most accurate description.  As to what became of Tooanahowi’s father, Percival remarked: “His father was taken by the Spaniards and burnt because he would not be a Christian.” (Diary, vol. 2, p. 122). As we can clearly see from the painting, Tooanahowi is a NEGROID Indian child.


Other hints to the origins of the Yamacraws may be gleaned from Tomochichi himself.  The June 2, 1733 South Carolina Gazette printed an article documenting the visit of the Creek delegation to Savannah during the previous month, a meeting in which Tomochichi described in desperate terms the plight the Yamacraws had faced before Oglethorpe’s arrival:


“Tomo-chi-chi, Mico, then came in with the Indians of Yamacraw, to Mr. Oglethorpe, & bowing very low, He said, I was a banished Man.  I came here poor, and helpless, to look for good Land near the Tombs of my Ancestors, and the Trustees sent People here; I feared you would drive us away, for we were weak & wanted Corn, but you confirmed our Land to us, gave us Food, and instructed our Children.” – South Carolina Gazette, June 2, 1733


That the Yamacraws were “weak & wanted Corn,” may be paired with a later observation by Percival that the tribe had been hit by recent outbreaks of smallpox as well:  “This nation consists not of above 50 fighting men, but are a branch of the Creek nation,” Percival noted in his Egmont Journal (p. 57).  “They have lately been much reduced by the small pox.”

Tomochichi described himself above as “a banished Man,” but for what reason is unclear.  He had formerly belonged to the Pallachucolas, one of the eight tribes of the Lower Creek Nation, as his name is found in a July 8, 1721 treaty.  Reconstructing when and how the Yamacraws came to exist over the next decade relies on fragments in the record; the group seems to have been composed largely of disaffected Creek and Yemassee.  In a 1737 deposition, Samuel Eveleigh left the following record:


Samuel Eveleigh of Charlestown, in the province of the aforesaid, maketh oath, that the tribe of Indians (which this deponent have been credibly informed are composed partly of Creeks and Yamasees), settled themselves at a Bluff called Yamacrah… about the beginning of the year 1732, some of them came to Charlestown aforesaid, and desired his excellency Robert Johnson, Esq., then governor, that they might have leave to settle there and have a trader amongst them; which his excellency granted. “Sworn before me January 3rd, 1736 [37], Thomas Lamboll”



Another gentleman, George Ducat—giving testimony in a January 11, 1737 deposition—shed further light on the Yamacraws:
George Ducat, of Charlestown, maketh oath that… this deponent hath been informed by a trader that was acquainted among the Creek Indians, that [the] tribe had done some mischief in their own country, and dared not return home.”



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“There were no Indians near the Georgians, before the arrival of Oglethorpe, except Tomo Chichi, and a small tribe of about thirty or forty men who accompanied him,” so claimed the 1736 Report of the Committee of the South Carolina Assembly, on the Indian Trade. From page 11:


They were partly Lower Creeks, and partly Yamasees, who had disobliged their countrymen, and, for fear of falling sacrifices to their resentment, had wandered in the woods till about the year 1731, when they begged leave of the Government of Carolina to sit down at Yamacraw, on the south side of Savannah river.”


In 1741 Patrick Tailfer and his fellow rogues remarked in their satirical A True and Historical Narrative of the Colony of Georgia in America, that “the first thing he [Oglethorpe] did after he arrived in Georgia, was to make a kind of solemn treaty with a parcel of fugitive Indians, who had formerly been banished [from] their own nation for some crimes and misdemeanours they committed.” (p. 44)  In replying to Tailfer’s comments, Percival wrote:


These Indians (whom they please to call fugitives) are very brave and prudent people, and the crime for which they were expelled, was cutting down a Popish Chappel, which the french were endeavoring to erect, with designs to convert it into a Fort.  They were proprietors of the land whereon Mr. Oglethorpe proposed to settle, and might have hindered his landing if they had pleased.  They yielded to him a great tract of land, and have ever since been usefull in preserving the friendship of divers other nations to Great Britain.”
– Percival notes within A True and Historical Narrative, p. 44

If Percival’s assertion is to be taken at face value, the Yamacraws had defaced or damaged a Catholic chapel claimed by the French, but where this may have occurred is unclear.  The story, probably gleaned from Tomochichi’s time in England, seems to be the only explanation surviving.


As Tomochichi and his court of family and advisors stood in the Georgia Offices on July 3, with English shirts over native garb, Percival made the following observations of the family in his Diary (vol. 2, p. 113-4):

Of Tomochichi – “He is a very old man but of good natural sense, and well behaved.”

Of Senauki – “His wife, an old ugly creature, who dresses their meat.”

And of the third member of the family – “His grand nephew who will succeed him when he dies, as chief of the nation, a handsome brisk boy of fifteen years old. The uncle designs he shall learn the English tongue, to write and read and be a Christian.”

Tomochichi’s “nephew” and heir—was well instructed in English and could read well.  Tomochichi himself did not speak English to any significant degree; as Percival observed at his first meeting of the chief, “He began by excusing himself if he did not speak well and to right purpose, seeing when he was young he neglected the advice of the wise men (so they call their old men), and therefore was ignorant.” (Diary, vol. 2, p.114)  It was a shortcoming Tomochichi was determined his heir would not share.  As Percival noted of Tooanahowi, he “reads already very well, and with a good accent, and comprehends a great deal of English.” (p. 122)   Speaking in September of “Little Tonoway,” Percival further stated:


I was much pleased with him.  He took a book that accidentally lay on the table and read tolerably out of it, and afterwards of his own accord repeated to me the Lord’s Prayer and the Creed.” – p. 126


The Caledonian Mercury Newspaper also commented on the youth’s promise:  “The young Indian prince (not his Nephew, as was said) aged about 13… is finely shap’d, well featur’d and a very promising genius.” (August 8, 1734)

The exact relationship of Tooanahowi to Tomochichi was often confused among correspondents as “nephew” or “grand-nephew.”  In fact, Percival explained it as it was told to him by Tomochichi following a dinner at Percival’s manor on August 19, 1734:  “His nephew, as he calls him, but who is grandson to his wife.”  So this may be the most accurate description.  As to what became of Tooanahowi’s father, Percival remarked: “His father was taken by the Spaniards and burnt because he would not be a Christian.” (Diary, vol. 2, p. 122)

Following an evening with Tomochichi in the summer of 1734, Percival recorded what he had learned of the Creek/Yamacraw living habits.

“They live in villages, and their houses are built of young trees and wattles, which they shingle over with split ends of board, and plaster on the inside with mud, over which they lay a white washing of powdered oystershells. They are about thirty foot long, and twenty deep, but their public building is four houses put together in form of a square, with a court in the middle, and in this house they transact their affairs, each person according to his dignity having a place assigned to him.”
 –  John Percival, Diary of Viscount Percival, vol. 2, p. 122


“They live by hunting when the Season is in,” he observed, “and in the other Season Sow corn.  They are So charitable that they cant bear to See another want, & not give him what he desires, and their houses are always open to Strangers.” (Egmont Journal, p. 57)

Exploits in England

The delegation spent much of the next three months sightseeing.  In August they visited King George II.


The beginnings of this month [August] The King gave an audience to The Indians in great form, Tomachachi made him a Speech, and returnd well Satisfied, only he wished his People had been allow’d to dance their War dance, which was the highest compliment they could make.  The King order’d them one of his Coaches, and that they Should be treated in the Same manner the 5 Iroquois Chiefs were in Queen Anne’s reign.  Tomachachi being afterward ask’d what he observed at Court, reply’d, They carry’d him thro a great many houses (by which he meant rooms) to make him believe the Kings Palace consisted of many, but he was Surprised to find he return’d by the Same Stairs he went up, by which he found it was Still but One house.  He observed we knew many things his Country men did not, but doubted if we were happier, since we live worse than they, and they more innocently.  After the audience was over, the Queen ask’d for Toonaway, Stroked his face and told him he must come again to her, for She had a present for him.  He answer’d her in English, and was forward in his learning, Mr. Smith [Trustee Samuel Smith] of our board taking great pains to instruct him in reading, writing, & the principles of Christianity.”
– John Percival, Egmont Journal, p. 60


William Augustus, the Duke of Cumberland and the 13 year-old son of George III offered gifts to his young counterpart Tooanahowi.  As Percival observed:  “The Prince presented him with a gun and a gold watch.” The delegation also met with William Wake, the Archbishop of Canterbury.  “They were yesterday to see the Archbishop of Canterbury, and were extremely pleased with their visit,” Percival wrote on August 19.  Wake (1657-1737) was unwell; as Percival recorded: “The Archbishop refused (out of respect to them) to sit down, though so weak as to be supported on the arms of two servants.”


Tomochichi], who saw him in pain, forbore to make him a speech he had prepared, and said he would speak it to his servants, meaning Dr. Linch, Dean of Canterbury, the Archbishop’s son-in-law and other clergymen there present.”
 –  John Percival, Diary of Viscount Percival, vol. 2, p. 121-2


But the kind reception he gave them altered that imagination.  The Archbishop would have put some questions to them concerning their notions of religion, but they have a superstition that it is unfortunate to disclose their thoughts of those matters, and refused to answer. They attributed the death of their companion to having too freely spoke thereof since they came over.”  – p. 121

One will note “the death of their companion” above.  The four-month trip to London was not without incident; one in the group had died, a victim to smallpox.  As Percival wrote on July 31:

Mr. Oglethorp acquainted us that the King had ordered the Indians should wait on him to-morrow, whom he would receive in a grand manner, and use them while they stay on the same foot as the Irocquois Indians were treated in Queen Anne’s reign; that he would order a sum of money to maintain them while here, with coaches to attend them. One of them has the small pox, but is under Sir Hans Sloan’s care, and is like to do well. The others were falling sick by reason of their confinement, so different from their usual manner of life, but by bleeding and vomiting are recovered to.” –  p. 118


But, as Percival noted on August 1:  “Mr. Verelts acquainted me that the King Toma-Chiki and the rest of the Indians was very well satisfied with their audience at Court, but were much afflicted with the death of their comrade, who was a cousin of the King’s. On that occasion they sat up all night, crying and bewailing his loss.” (p. 119)  And the next day: “They went on Friday last [August 2] to Mr. Oglethorp’s in Surrey to dissipate their sorrow for the death of their friend.” (p. 120)  So clearly, the man described as Tomochichi’s “cousin” died on either July 31 or August 1.  As Percival later noted between the July and August entries in his Journal:

“This month one of these Indians died of the Small pox.  Sr. Hans Sloan attended him.  He was Cosen to Tomachachi.  They sat up all night bewayling his loss.  On this occasion Tomachachi told Mr. Verelts that his Relation was gone to the Great Spirit, that he would See us no more, but he Should See him, and believed he Should be the first.” – John Percival, Egmont Journal, p. 59

Interestingly, no contemporary source actually names the warrior that died; it was either Apakowski or Hinguithi, but which one is unclear.

“On the 19th [August] they all dined with me at Charlton.  I entertained them wth. dancing, & Musick, made them presents and walk’d them in the wood, which much delighted them as it put them in mind of their own Country.  At table I ask’d Tomachachi what dish I Should Serve him?  He reply’d, that he [would] eat whatever was Set before him, meaning a civility thereby that he would not refuse any thing I should offer him.  They also had the respect not [to] eat when Served until my wife and I had taken the first mouthfull.  They had learn’d the way of drinking and bowing to the company, and behaved with much decency, making no noise or interupting any one that Spoke.  I presented Tomachachi with a guilt carved Tobacho box, who on receiving it Said, he would get a ribband and hang it at his breast next [to] his heart.  At parting, he told me that he came down to See me with a good will, and return’d in friendship.  That God above would continue it, and he hoped we would take care to make their children Christians.”

The September 17, 1734 Caledonian Mercury Newspaper reported that:  “The Trustees for Georgia are taking up a large ship for a new embarkation of families and artificers for that colony, and we hear the Indian Chiefs are to return home in said ship.”  Though Oglethorpe would remain in London for another year, preparing the Great Embarkation, the Yamacraws set sail for Georgia on Oct. 31, 1734, this time accompanied by Georgia colonist Peter Gordon, on the Prince of Wales, captained by George Dunbar.

In October, the Trustees held one last important meeting with their guests.  “We then entered upon the most serious affair of all,” Percival wrote on October 9, “which is settling a tariff of trade with the Indians…”

“The Indians attending [the Trustees’ meeting], to settle with us the prices of Goods that our Traders may not impose on them, we enter’d on that difficult affair, but the Interpreter Musgrove was so drunk we could neither Side understand our meanings.”
– John Percival, Egmont Journal, p. 66

John Musgrove acted as interpreter for the Creek/Yamacraw contingent throughout their visit. Shortly after arriving in Georgia, colonist Thomas Causton wrote  to his wife: “We have about 100 Indians just by us, and a Trader with them that speaks English and sells almost every thing to them at what Rates he pleases.” (Colonial Records of Georgia, vol. XX, p. 16)  One might recall the 1737 deposition above stating that the Yamacraws had appealed to Governor Johnson that they “might have leave to settle there and have a trader amongst them.”  Musgrove was that trader, granted a special exemption to operate by Governor Johnson in 1732; according to treaty, no English trader was permitted to operate south of the Savannah River.  The presence of John and Mary Musgrove south of the river was due entirely to the Yamacraws’ request, and the relationship between the Musgroves and the Yamacraws remained a symbiotic one.


But it was Mary who clearly possessed the greater ability, as noted by John Martin Bolzius shortly after John Musgrove’s death in the summer of 1735:  “She had a special talent for expressing Indian terms in English, a talent not even possessed by her recently dead husband.” (Urlsperger, vol. 2, p. 107)

 Unfortunately for the Trustees, Mary Musgrove had remained in Georgia.  And John had spent much of the London trip inebriated.  In his Diary Percival quietly fumed.  “The Interpreter was drunk and we could not understand one another.  We have ten or a dozen articles to settle with them, as blankets, guns, powder and shot, garters, saddles, etc.,” and even in addressing an issue as simple as blankets, Musgrove “said he would ask of the Indians” the Trustees’ proposals, “but being in drink so confounded the Indians that they did not understand our proposals.”

Percival concluded of wasted morning: “Hereupon we desired Mr. Oglethorp to see what he could settle with the Indians to-morrow when Musgrove should be sober.”

Remarking on the subject of those “who can be tempted to drink too freely,” Percival observed that the Indians “complained to us that their interpreter is too much given to it.” (Percival Diary, vol. 2, p. 122)

The Trustees seem not to have held this against him, though.  “The Want of a good Interpreter prevented our Setting a tariff or trade with the Indians,” Percival remarked in his October 16 entry.  “But 100 Ł was order’d to Musgrove for his trouble in coming over [to England] with them.” (Egmont Journal, p. 67)

As a gift to the Trustees thanking them for their hospitality over the four month visit, the delegation left behind—as recorded in the Trustees’ Account Book—twenty-five buckskins, six buffalo skins and one “Tyger skin.” (CRG III)  One may imagine that the “tyger skin” in question was probably more bobcat than tiger.  Tooanahowi’s gold watch, evidently held safe during their visit, was delivered to him in the days before the group’s return to Georgia.  The exchange was recorded in the Caledonian Mercury Newspaper.


Wednesday evening last Mr Pointz going with a present from the Duke of Cumberland, of a gold repeating watch to give to the young Indian prince and delivering it, asked him: what a clock it was by it? to which he answered very right; sir, it is almost 7….  Mr Pointz added the Duke wishes you to have a good voyage, and desires to hear from you after your return home.” – Caledonian Mercury Newspaper, November 1, 1734

By January 23, 1735, Dunbar would remark of the rapid deterioration of the Prince’s gift to Tooanahowi: “Touanoies watch is very much abous’d [abused] but I carie it to Charlestown and will have it mended.” (CRG XX, p. 194)

Two years after the London visit and while joining Oglethorpe on the southern frontier, the watch would play a role in creating a placename of Georgia’s southern coast.  The June 22, 1736 Caledonian Mercury Newspaper reported that “Tomachicha Mico, Tooanochowi, his nephew, &c have carried Mr. Oglethorpe to a high ground near the frontiers, told him that this was the boundary betwixt the English and Spanish nations….  Tooanahowi pulling out a Watch he got in England from H.R.H. the Duke, gave the name Cumberland to the isle.”

Tooanahowi, in fact, almost did not survive the voyage back on the Prince of Wales, and was sick for much of the next three months.  As Captain Dunbar remarked in the first week of the voyage on November 5, 1734: “The Indian King Queen and the others are well and chearfull (remembering their Inglish benefactors) except the Prince who’s coald conenous [cold continues] but was much easier last night than any Since he came aboard.” (CRG XX, p. 100)  Even weeks after the Prince of Wales’ arrival in Savannah, in a January 24, 1735 correspondence John Musgrove wrote of a young man only just recovering: “Tunoy has been ill but now he is upon ye Mending hand & I hope he will do very well.” (CRG XX, p. 197)  Finally, as Tomochichi dictated to Noble Jones in a February 24, 1735 letter to the Trustees: “We have All had our health during the whole Voyage Except Tooanahoure whom we all feard’d woul have Dyed & thro’ he is now much better yet is Very Waek and Infirm.” (CRG XX, p. 236)


Interestingly, Tooanahowi may have also adopted an English name during his visit… it is worth noting that an October 30 correspondent to the Gentleman’s Magazine refers to the young man as “John Towanohowi.”  By 1736 Charles Wesley reported to Percival “that he speaks English and understands it so well as in Mr. Oglethorpe’s opinion to be the best interpreter we have.” (Percival Diary, vol. 2, p. 314)

As for Tomochichi, upon his return and the establishment of New Yamacraw, he rechristened his modest hut “Hampton Court.”

The bond between Ogelthorpe and Tomochichi was a strong one, and one that to both men’s credit, was never broken.  With only charisma and trust—and no ability to speak their languages—Oglethorpe had convinced a delegation of Creek and Yemassee to travel across the world with him.  As John Martin Bolzius remarked in 1739, “Mr. Oglethorpe… stands in great esteem among the Indians both near and far.” (GHQ, vol. 47, p. 218)  One need look no further than Tomochichi’s parting words to Oglethorpe as the former prepared to board the Prince of Wales from England back for Georgia on October 31, 1734:

“Mr. Verelst, our accountant, told me that when the Indians went on board, Mr. Oglethorpe asked the Micho or King, Tomachiki, whether he was not rejoiced to return to his own country? to which he replied that he was very glad to go home, but to part with him was like the day of death.  An answer thought very elegant (being offhand) by all to whom I have told it.”  –  John Percival, Diary of Viscount Percival, vol. 2,p. 132












The History and Culture of the Cheyenne Tribe



To fully understand the Cheyenne culture and history, we must go back to the 17th and 18th centuries where the Cheyenne first interacted with white settlers. The first recorded contact with the Cheyenne was documented by French settlers at Fort Crevecoeur, near present-day Peoria, Illinois. There are multiple theories about where the term “Cheyenne” came from, but the tribe referred to themselves as Tsitsistas, which means “the people.” Their language originated from the Algonquin language group, spoken by more than 30 tribes across northern North America. The Cheyenne people were initially located in the Great Lakes region in parts of Minnesota and Illinois. As the westward expansion of white settlers pushed them further and further westward, the Cheyenne were forced to relocate to North Dakota, South Dakota, and Nebraska.

Like most Native American tribes, the Cheyenne relied on the natural resources around them. They were very strong hunters and ate meat from buffalo, elk, deer, bear, wild turkey, and small game like rabbit and squirrel. In addition to hunting, the Cheyenne were also avid gatherers who collected wild roots and vegetables, such as potatoes, herbs, spinach, turnips, and berries. When food was scarce, the tribe also relied on pemmican, which is dried buffalo meat that sometimes contains nuts and berries. The Cheyenne people were involved in a large and complex trading network with white settlers and other tribes. They would trade their bison meat, horses, decorative clothing, and leather goods in exchange for guns, gunpowders, different foods, tobacco, and more. When the bison started to dwindle, however, the Cheyenne become more and more economically dependent on the U.S. government.



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The Cheyenne were and continue to be very spiritual people. They believe that the earth, the skies, the animals, and all of nature–even themselves–all have deeply interconnected spirits. They also believe in two principal deities: The Wise One Above, a supreme being they call “Maheo,” and a god who lives beneath the ground. To honor their beliefs, the Cheyenne perform a very elaborate Sun Dance during which they believe a guardian spirit bestows special powers upon an individual as they dance. They bless particular objects, such as a hat made from buffalo hide, which becomes sacred and was often carried in times of war.




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Life in the wilderness was hard. Tribes were constantly clashing, creating rivalries, and dealing with the expanding settlements pushing further and further west. As a result, tribes like the Cheyenne had a strong warrior culture—not as war-makers, but as protectors, providers, and leaders. The Cheyenne were very adept on horseback, and the warriors on horseback were fearsome to behold. Warriors of the tribe were venerated and were held with great honor for their skills and bravery. With the rapid expansion of the white culture, conflict was violent and consistent with the Cheyenne tribe. Settlers and colonizers would cross into Cheyenne territory as they headed west to California and Oregon, and violence was inevitable. Over time, the U.S. Army would get involved to punish the Cheyenne and other Native American tribes for the treatment of white settlers trespassing on their land. The most famous conflict between the Cheyenne and the U.S. Army is the Battle of Little Bighorn in 1876. General George Armstrong Custer led a small cavalry battalion into a massive camp that consisted of thousands of Natives, including the Cheyenne, Sioux, and Lakota. Custer’s men were surrounded and killed, which became a rallying cry for U.S. citizens and a turning point in U.S.-Native relations.


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The Cheyenne and Arapaho tribes are often discussed hand-in-hand. While they have distinct identities and organizational structures, they have a common heritage and ancestral language. In 1811, the two tribes formed a formal alliance because of their commonalities and close geographic proximity. The alliance made both tribes stronger, allowing them to expand their territory into parts of Montana, Wyoming, Nebraska, and Kansas. It also strengthened their military prowess, as the two tribes fought together against the Comanche and Apache tribes. he alliance remains strong today, as the two are federally recognized as one nation known as the Cheyenne and Arapaho Tribes. However, while the tribes function together, they still maintain their own culture, traditions, customs, dances, ceremonies, and languages.



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Today, the Cheyenne people are split into two federally recognized Nations: the Southern Cheyenne and Arapaho located in Oklahoma and the Northern Cheyenne and Arapaho in Montana. According to the latest survey, there are just over 10,000 Cheyenne today, with about half of them residing on the reservations. Like most Native American populations today, the Cheyenne face struggles with poverty, education, drugs and alcohol, and cultural identity. While there have been strides made to bring resources and reform to the tribes, there is still much work to be done.


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The Uchee - Euchee - Yuchi



The Yuchi (often also spelled Euchee) are an American Indian people of Oklahoma whose original homelands were in the present southeastern United States. At first contact with Europeans they resided in autonomous communities found in what is now eastern Tennessee, but during the colonial period they established settlements throughout the southeastern United States. In the 1700s the Yuchi became geographically and militarily associated with Creek-speaking towns settled in present Georgia and Alabama. In this context, they were forced by the United States to move west to Indian Territory in the company of their Creek neighbors. After this period of relocation in the 1830s the Yuchi established their present settlements in the northern and northwestern portions of the Creek Nation. At the end of the twentieth century the three main towns were Duck Creek (near Hectorville), Polecat (near Sapulpa), and Sand Creek (near Bristow).

Each Yuchi settlement is led by a traditional town chief and continues to hold an annual series of ceremonies at its square-ground site. The most important of these is the midsummer green corn ceremony. Traditionally Yuchi people were subsistence farmers, but today Yuchi participate in the cash economy. Population estimates are difficult to calculate, because the Yuchi are not enrolled separately within the Creek Nation, but community leaders estimate an active Yuchi population of approximately fifteen hundred people in 2001.

In addition to the traditional religious life of their three ceremonial grounds, some Yuchi also participate in the Native American Church. Two predominately Yuchi congregations are affiliated with the United Methodist Church. Beyond these three religious domains, Yuchi culture is preserved in distinctive funeral ritual, foodways, storytelling, clothing, customs, and, most prominently, in the use of the Yuchi language. Yuchi is a language isolate, unrelated to any other known language. It is a severely endangered language, but at the beginning of the twenty-first century it continued to be spoken and actively taught in community contexts. The Yuchi have strongly asserted their identity as a distinct people separate from the Creek or any other people. They have long sought to have this identity acknowledged by the United States government and by their fellow Oklahomans.

The Savannah River Band of Uchee (Uchean) Indians is a matriarchal society, historically recognized by the South Carolina Royal Colonial Government in 1750. Throughout the Colonial Period, the Uchee People often established towns in close proximity to those of the Creek People, but also were the sole occupants of some provinces. Uchee towns and villages once existed in many locations throughout Southeastern North America. Uchee villages were also established in Florida, where they became political allies of the Seminole Creeks. Many Uchee families were deported to the Indian Territory in the 1830s along with the Creeks and forced by the Federal government to live in a section of the Creek Nation, despite repeated requests to have their own tribal identity. The Muskogee-Creek Nation is federally recognized. The Euchee (Yuchi) Tribe of Oklahoma has elected leadership. It is currently considered to be a division of the Muskogee Creek Nation by the federal government,

The Muscogee-Creek Nation uses the Anglicized word, Euchee, for this tribe’s name. Bureau of Indian Affairs officials in Oklahoma use the word, Euchee, but when the Euchee (Yuchi) Tribe of Oklahoma applied for Federal recognition, BIA officials in Washington, DC struck out all references to Euchee and replaced it with Yuchi. In contrast, colonial officials in South Carolina, and subsequently in Georgia, used the word (or word similar to) Uchee to label the Uchean people on the Lower Savannah River, Ogeechee to label the Uchean People on the Ogeechee River and Hogelogee for the Uchean people at the headwaters of the Savannah River. This traditional spelling was continued by the states of South Carolina, Georgia and Alabama. Therefore, henceforth, Uchee and Uchean will be used.



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It should be emphasized that the Uchee People of the Lower Savannah River Basin were a different ethnic group than the Hogeloge Uchee of the Tennessee River Valley and Western North Carolina, who migrated into Savannah River Basin about the same time that the Province of Carolina was founded (1670). The two bands of Uchee probably shared many cultural traits, but they spoke different languages that may have been mutually unintelligible, or at least as different as Swedish and Norwegian. The 1890 United States Census was the first to survey the so-called Five Civilized Tribes in the Indian Territory. It also gave special designation to the Uchee People as a distinct ethnic group and used that spelling, not Yuchi or Euchee. The Census quoted a book from South Carolina, Harry Hammond's South Carolina (1883) that confirmed the presence of Uchee on the Lower Savannah River. However, it was wrong in suggesting that they left no trace. As will be explained later, the boundaries of the Uchee Reserve in Allendale County, SC are preserved in a census tract and labeled so.

Hammond’s book has many errors in it, including the statement that Cofitachequi was a Uchee town on the Savannah River. Here is the passage: “About one-eighth of the territory of the Uchees extended across the Savannah River into Aiken, Edgefield, and Barnwell counties. There is no estimate of their population numbers. Their Princess of Cutifaehiqui (Silver Bluff) entertained De Soto with great splendor, according to the narrative of the gentleman of Elvas (1540). They were absorbed by the Creeks, and have left no trace except in the name of a small stream in Silverton Township, Aiken County, and of a neighboring steamboat landing on the Savannah, Talemeco, after their great temple, which, it is said, stood there in De Soto's time. Variety of names applied to Uchee People; The only word that the Uchee are definitely known to have called themselves in their own language is Tsoyoha, which means “Children of the Sun.” Other Anglicized names include Euchee, Yuchi, Yuchee, Yutsee, Roundtown People, Ogeechee, Geechee, Congoria, Tchogalea and Hogelogee.


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Uchee tribes and organizations:
The Savannah River Uchee call themselves Uchee. One Uchee organization in Tulsa, Oklahoma calls its members, Yuchi. The other, in Sapulpa, Oklahoma , calls itself Euchee. A band of Uchee in northern Florida calls itself Euchee. Other bands in Eastern Tennessee and Alabama usually call themselves Yuchi. Colonial and state officials: Uchee was the preferred spelling used by South Carolina colonial and state officials.
The Uchee in Tennessee were labeled Hogeloge on maps.

Until the Cherokees conquered much of eastern Tennessee, the Upper Tennessee River was called the Hogeloge River,  Roads, schools, parks and a stream near a former Uchee town in Russell County, Alabama are spelled Uchee. Several geographical place names in Florida use Euchee or Uchee. Historic name among Muskogee Creeks: On June 7, 1735, the leaders of the Creek Confederacy held a meeting with the leaders of the new colony of Georgia. “Shimelacoweche Mico or King from the Ogeeche’s”, Ogeechee the Anglicization of the Itsate-Creek word for Uchee at that time. It means “Water People.”



Study this picture closely; which of these boys resembles an American Indian EXCEPT Lucky Davis? None - all the others are Mulattoes except for Maoma July who appears to be White. See how the Albinos work it?
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The contemporary Muskogee word for the Yuchi is Yocce, pronounced Yő : chē. However, Oklahoma Muskogee Creeks typically use Euchee in their English language publications. Colonial Era French Explorers: The French name for the Uchee in the Lower Savannah and Ogeechee River Basins was Oada or Oueda.

This is the Frenchification of the Creek word, We-te, which means “Water People.” The French used Hogeloge and Congoria for the Uchee Bands in eastern Tennessee. The Cherokees called the Uchee, the Ani-yutsi, which combined the Cherokee prefix for tribe with a phonetic spelling of the Creek name for the Uchee.

Undoubtedly, all Uchee living in the Ogeechee and Lower Savannah River Basins are members of the Water Clan, since as will be seen below, all of their alternate names are related to Water. When Yuchi from the Upper Tennessee River Basin settled on the Upper Savannah River Basin, they were clearly labeled, Hogeloge, on all European maps, in order to distinguish them from the other Uchee bands. Uchee and Yuchi are Anglicizations of the Muskogee-Creek word for “Children of Water” – Uev -si, pronounced Ũwē : tshē. Ogeechee (as in the Ogeechee River) is the Anglicization of the Itsate-Creek name for the Uchee, Okasi, which is pronounced, Ō : kä : jzhē and means, “Children of the Water.





The Pueblo of Jemez


Pueblo is the Spanish word for "village" or "town." In the Southwest, a pueblo is a settlement that has houses made of stone, adobe, and wood.
The houses have flat roofs and can be one or more stories tall. Pueblo people have lived in this style of building for more than 1,000 years.



The Pueblo of Jemez (pronounced “Hay-mess” or traditionally as “He-mish”) is one of the 19 pueblos located in New Mexico. It is a federally recognized American Indian tribe with 3,400 tribal members, most of whom reside in a puebloan village that is known as “‘Walatowa” (a Towa word meaning “this is the place”). Walatowa is located in North-Central New Mexico, within the southern end of the majestic Canon de Don Diego. It is located on State Road 4 approximately one hour northwest of Albuquerque (55 miles) and approximately one hour and twenty minutes southwest of Santa Fe.

The Pueblo of Jemez is an independent sovereign nation with an independent government and tribal court system. The secular Tribal Government includes the Tribal Council, the Jemez Governor, two Lt. Governors, two fiscales, and a sheriff. The 2nd Lt. Governor is also the governor of the Pueblo of Pecos. Traditional matters are still handled through a separate governing body that is rooted in prehistory. This traditional government includes the spiritual and society leaders, a War Captain and Lt. War Captain.


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The Jemez people originated from a place called “Hua-na-tota.” The ancestors of the Jemez Nation, migrated to the “Canon de San Diego Region” from the four-corners area in the late 13th century. By the time of European contact in the year 1541, the Jemez Nation was one of the largest and most powerful of the puebloan cultures, occupying numerous puebloan villages that were strategically located on the high mountain mesas and the canyons that surround the present pueblo of Walatowa. These stone-built fortresses, often located miles apart from one another, were upwards of four stories high and contained as many as 3,000 rooms. They now constitute some of the largest archaeological ruins in the United States. Situated between these “giant pueblos” were literally hundreds of smaller one and two room houses that were used by the Jemez people during spring and summer months as basecamps for hunting, gathering, and agricultural activities.



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The Jemez people experienced their first contact with Europeans in the form of Spanish conquistadors during the Coronado Expedition in the year of 1541. The Rodriquez-Chamuscado Expedition entered the area in 1581, followed by the Espejo Expedition in 1583. In the year 1598, a detachment of the first colonized expedition under the direction of Don Juan de Onate visited the Jemez. A Franciscan priest by the title of Alonzo de Lugo was assigned to the Jemez People, under his direction the area’s first church was built at the Jemez Pueblo of Guisewa (now Jemez State Monument on State Highway 4 in Jemez Springs). The Jemez nation contained an estimated 30,000 tribal members around the time of the Spanish contact. During the next 80 years, numerous revolts and uprisings occurred between the Jemez people and Spanish, primarily due to Spanish attempts to Christianize by force, and congregate them into just one or two villages, where the Franciscan missions were located. As a result, numerous people were killed on both sides, including many of the Franciscan priests.



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By the year 1680, the hostilities resulted in the Great Pueblo Revolt, during which the Spanish were expelled from the New Mexico Province through the strategic and collaborative efforts of all the Puebloan Nations. This was the first and only successful revolt in the United States in which a suppressive nation was expelled. By 1688, the Spanish had begun their reconquest in force under General Pedro Reneros de Posada, acting Governor of New Mexico. The Pueblos of Santa Ana and Zia were conquered, and by 1692, Santa Fe was again in Spanish hands under Governor Diego de Vargas. Four more years would pass before the Jemez Nation was completely subdued and placed under clergy and military rule. Jemez ancestors were moved and concentrated into the single Village of Walatowa where they presently reside today.

In the year 1838, Jemez culture became diversified when the Towa speaking people from the Pueblo of Pecos (located east of Santa Fe) resettled at the Pueblo of Jemez in order to escape the increasing depredations of the Spanish and Comanche cultures. Readily welcomed by the Jemez people, the Pecos culture was rapidly integrated into Jemez Society, and in 1936, both cultural groups were legally merged into one by an Act of Congress. Today, the Pecos culture still survives at Jemez. Its traditions have been preserved, and as previously noted, the Pueblo of Jemez honorably recognizes a Governor of Pecos.





The Creek


The Encyclopedia of Oklahoma History and Culture


CREEK (MVSKOKE)

The Creek Indians are more properly called the Muscogee, alternatively spelled Mvskoke. Creek oral tradition, recorded in the eighteenth century, told a legend of migration of one group of ancestral Creeks who established a colony at the Ocmulgee site near present Macon, Georgia. From that colony grew the pivotal towns of Cusseta and Coweta, in the period of A.D. 900–1000. The historic Creek Confederacy eventually was widespread and influential. Early-twentieth-century scientists speculated that Mississippian migrants had left their homeland in the central Mississippi Valley and journeyed onto the Macon Plateau, settling at Ocmulgee before beginning their regional expansion. Archaeologists corroborated that Ocmulgee Mounds was one of the ancestral Creek residences.

Subsequent archaeological investigations indicated that Creek Indians derived from prehistoric southern Appalachian Woodland cultures such as the Western Lamar in the region of present Georgia and Alabama. While there were local variations, all were believed to share what is termed Mississippian culture. They resided in fortified towns that had flat-topped pyramidal temple mounds surrounding a central plaza. The Mississippian culture declined after A.D. 1400, and the sites then became single-mound ceremonial centers among separate towns that were either related or allied. Perhaps half of them used the Mvskoke language, which was spoken along the Coosa and Tallapoosa watercourses, but those who lived along the Chattahoochee River perhaps spoke Hitchiti and Euchee. Although the people spoke different languages, they shared basic traits and beliefs with other Southeastern Indians. The arrival of Europeans accelerated cultural decline and had a devastating demographic impact upon the natives.

Coosa had been an influential paramount chiefdom prior to the Hernando de Soto expedition's visit in the 1540s but rapidly declined in the aftermath. The diseases introduced by those Spaniards devastated the Creek towns, and the survivors coalesced as populations shifted. Refugees from Coosa along the Coosawattee River at the headwaters of the Coosa River in northwestern Georgia moved downstream to Alabama. There they merged with other town survivors such as Abika. The towns of Abika, Coosa, Coweta, and Tuckabatchee are considered the four "mother" towns of the Creek Confederacy and are featured in oral migration stories.

Each Creek town had a ceremonial center like the former Mississippian plaza. At one edge was a rotunda or council house in which elders transacted town business. Nearby were a chunkey yard and a ball-play ground. Maternal clans determined membership in the society, but members also held loyalty to a town beyond the clan, unlike many other Indian tribes. The confederacy's towns were divided into red/war and white/peace groups. With the assistance of advisors, a meko ruled each town. Creek clans and towns met once every year. During the early eighteenth century the Creek population of more than twenty thousand occupied at least fifty towns.

Population shifts, amalgamation of town survivors, pressure from slave traders, and changes in trade practices all combined to accelerate a long-term trend toward merging groups aimed at stability. This led to the formation of what Europeans termed the Creek Confederacy, especially under Alexander McGillivray in the late eighteenth century. British traders labeled the Indians along the Ochese Creek by that geographic name, and eventually it was simplified to "Creeks." The Indian slave trade, which transformed the interior of the Southeast to 1717, was replaced by the deerskin trade through the first half of the eighteenth century. Trade helped transform Indian society.

After the pivotal Yamasee War (1715–16) ended, the influence of the Creek Confederacy peaked while the Upper Creek division of the Creek Nation coalesced. The emerging division of the confederacy led Upper Creeks to reside along the Tallapoosa River in northwestern Georgia. Lower Creeks lived along the Chattahoochee River and its tributaries in southeastern Alabama. Rival European desires, combined with shrewd native diplomatic and survival skills, made the Creek predominant in the region. They maintained a delicate balance of French, Spanish, and British colonial interests until the British emerged in 1763 as the sole European power. The American influence succeeded the British after 1783.

McGillivray's death in 1793 left Creek interests under the guidance of U.S. Indian Agent Benjamin Hawkins in that decade. He implemented an assimilation policy that emphasized missions, education, and individualized farming. His policy made inroads among Lower Creek towns. Eventually, the changes that became visible, such as ownership of slaves, Anglo clothing and lifestyle, and restructured government, lent the assumption and label "civilized" to the tribe.

The "Red Stick War" of 1812–14 climaxed in what is known as the Battle of Horseshoe Bend, among the Upper Creeks. A punitive land cession resulted. The treaty led to increased Anglo settler pressure and to the growing prominence of William McIntosh of the Lower Creeks. The latter removed west of the Mississippi River in the 1820s. Thereafter, Opothleyahola's leadership of the Upper Creeks increased. The majority of the Creeks, along with their slaves, were removed over their Trail of Tears to a new Indian Territory, now Oklahoma, through the late 1830s.

Lower Creeks settled in the Three Forks area of the Arkansas River in Indian Territory, and the Upper Creeks lived along the North Fork, Deep Fork, and Canadian river valleys in their new homeland. They still showed the ancient divisions of their old confederacy. The disparate groups, numbering perhaps only thirteen thousand by then, agreed in 1840 to a new national government, located at both Upper and Lower Creek sites of Council Hill, in present Tulsa. A new golden age of independent development ensued but was short lived. The Civil War destroyed much that had been built up in the Creek Nation, but another new national government, modeled on a bicameral legislative system similar to that of the United States, emerged after 1866. It was located at the newly selected national capital in Okmulgee. The nation formulated a new constitution the following year.

A period of rebuilding began again while the tribe was left to its own influences, and the Creek Nation prospered. Schools, churches, and public houses were built as the tribe reestablished itself as a working government. At Okmulgee a national capitol building was constructed in 1867, and it was enlarged in 1878. Now a National Historic Landmark, the Creek National Capitol (the present Creek Council House Museum) is listed in the National Register of Historic Places (NR 66000632).

The rebuilding of the tribe continued. Its florescence was marred by changes on the United States level that were all too familiar—land envy. Beginning in the 1880s an outburst of violence from a bloody political turmoil of resistance greeted the renewal of allotment and assimilation policies that climaxed with Oklahoma statehood in 1907. The Creeks lost more than two million acres of allotted domain. Through the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries mainstream pressures gradually transformed many of the forty-seven tribal towns from ceremonial grounds into rural agricultural communities. Each of these centered on the Baptist Indian church, among Upper Creeks, or the Methodist Indian church, among descendants of Lower Creeks. The Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act (1936) helped establish the former Creek tribal towns of Kialegee, Thlopthlocco, and Alabama-Quassarte as sovereign nations.

Beginning in 1970 the federal government permitted the Creek Nation to elect its own principal chief. The Harjo v. Kleppe (1976) case marked the end of federal paternalism and the start of a new era for a revitalized Indian nation. The elected government supports three branches of tribal governmental and ongoing economic development. There are presently more than fifty-eight thousand tribe members, based on a descendancy roll stemming from the Dawes allotment rolls. Some tribal citizens are spread throughout the eleven Oklahoma counties that formed the historic Creek Nation boundaries as well as throughout the world. A mix of gaming, farming, and other business income has been combined with federal expenditures to support a wide range of Creek Nation programs and services. These have included tribal government offices, a national council, a tribal court system, a police force, business enterprises, health care, housing, education, and expenditures on infrastructure within the boundaries of the historic Creek Nation. A new constitution in 1975 replaced the 1867 document. A series of federal court decisions through the 1980s helped bolster Creek Nation sovereignty.

Creek claimants that are scattered across the Southeast have sought federal recognition. The Poarch Band of Eastern Creeks in southern Alabama gained recognition in 1984. More than two thousand of them reside near Atmore, a town in the ancient Creek homeland. Still other Creeks are spread throughout the nation in an urban diaspora, with Creek families seeking employment in Dallas, Los Angeles, Phoenix, and other cities. There are also descendants among most ethnic groups in the United States, including blacks, who are called Freedmen, although the latter have no tribal rights.

Despite tragedies and drastic changes over the years, the Muscogee survived. Through a series of rebuilding stages, the culture, the language, the hymns, the medicine songs, and the traditions were still enjoyed into the early twenty-first century. The people have continued to celebrate their cultural heritage. They still danced around the sacred fire and sang sacred songs to their Creator, and they still offered hymns to their Savior. They have continued to transact tribal business in the Mvskoke language. New stories of contemporary life have joined ancient oral literature to chronicle cultural activities, including the high jinks of the trickster Rabbit, the traditional culture hero. As in those stories, the Mvskoke people have learned lessons of perseverance and overcoming adversity, which is the hallmark of the Este Mvskokvlke (Creek people) of the old Southeast.

Theodore Isham and Blue Clark


Britanica

Creek, Muskogean-speaking North American Indians who originally occupied a huge expanse of the flatlands of what are now Georgia and Alabama. There were two divisions of Creeks: the Muskogee  (or Upper Creeks), settlers of the northern Creek territory; and the Hitchiti and Alabama, who had the same general traditions as the Upper Creeks but spoke a slightly different dialect and were known as the Lower Creeks.

Traditional Creek economy was based largely on the cultivation of corn (maize), beans, and squash. Most of the farming was done by women, while the men of the tribe were responsible for hunting and defense. The Creek achieved status based on individual merit rather than by inheriting it. Like most Indians of the Southeast, they commonly tattooed their entire bodies.

Before colonization, Creek towns were symbolically grouped into white and red categories, set apart for peace ceremonials and war ceremonials, respectively. Each town had a plaza or community square, around which were grouped the houses—rectangular structures with four vertical walls of poles plastered over with mud to form wattle. The roofs were pitched and covered with either bark or thatch, with smoke holes left open at the gables. If the town had a temple, it was a thatched dome-shaped edifice set upon an eight-foot mound into which stairs were cut to the temple door. The plaza was the gathering point for such important religious observances as the Busk, or Green Corn, ceremony, an annual first-fruits and new-fire rite. A distinctive feature of this midsummer festival was that every wrongdoing, grievance, or crime—short of murder—was forgiven.

The Creeks’ first contact with Europeans occurred in 1538 when Hernando de Soto invaded their territory. Subsequently, the Creeks allied themselves with the English colonists in a succession of wars (beginning about 1703) against the Apalachee and the Spanish. During the 18th century a Creek Confederacy was organized in an attempt to present a united front against both Native and white enemies. It comprised not only the dominant Creeks but also speakers of other Muskogean languages (Hitchiti, Alabama-Koasati) and of non-Muskogean languages (Yuchi, some Natchez and Shawnee). The Seminole of Florida and Oklahoma are a branch of the Creek Confederacy of the 18th and early 19th centuries.

Ultimately, the confederacy did not succeed, in part because the Creek towns (about 50 with a total population of perhaps 20,000) were not able to coordinate the contribution of warriors to a common battle. In 1813–14, when the Creek War with the United States took place, some towns fought with the white colonizers and some (the Red Sticks) against them. Upon defeat, the Creeks ceded 23,000,000 acres of land (half of Alabama and part of southern Georgia); they were forcibly removed to Indian Territory (now Oklahoma) in the 1830s. There with the Cherokee, Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Seminole, they constituted one of the Five Civilized Tribes. For three-quarters of a century each tribe had a land allotment and a quasi-autonomous government modelled on that of the United States. In preparation for Oklahoma statehood (1907), some of this land was allotted to individual Indians; the rest was made available to white homesteaders, held in trust by the federal government, or allotted to freed slaves. Tribal governments were effectively dissolved in 1906 but have continued to exist on a limited basis. Creek descendants numbered more than 76,000 in the early 21st century.




Trail of Tears

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Trail of Tears, in U.S. history, the forced relocation during the 1830s of Eastern Woodlands Indians of the Southeast region of the United States (including Cherokee, Creek, Chickasaw, Choctaw, and Seminole, among other nations) to Indian Territory west of the Mississippi River. Estimates based on tribal and military records suggest that approximately 100,000 indigenous people were forced from their homes during that period, which is sometimes known as the removal era, and that some 15,000 died during the journey west. The term Trail of Tears invokes the collective suffering those people experienced, although it is most commonly used in reference to the removal experiences of the Southeast Indians generally and the Cherokee nation specifically. The physical trail consisted of several overland routes and one main water route and, by passage of the Omnibus Public Lands Management Act in 2009, stretched some 5,045 miles (about 8,120 km) across portions of nine states (Alabama, Arkansas, Georgia, Illinois, Kentucky, Missouri, North Carolina, Oklahoma, and Tennessee).

The roots of forced relocation lay in greed. The British Proclamation of 1763 designated the region between the Appalachian Mountains and the Mississippi River as Indian Territory. Although that region was to be protected for the exclusive use of indigenous peoples, large numbers of Euro-American land speculators and settlers soon entered. For the most part, the British and, later, U.S. governments ignored these acts of trespass.

In 1829 a gold rush occurred on Cherokee land in Georgia. Vast amounts of wealth were at stake: at their peak, Georgia mines produced approximately 300 ounces of gold a day. Land speculators soon demanded that the U.S. Congress devolve to the states the control of all real property owned by tribes and their members. That position was supported by Pres. Andrew Jackson, who was himself an avid speculator. Congress complied by passing the Indian Removal Act (1830). The act entitled the president to negotiate with the eastern nations to effect their removal to tracts of land west of the Mississippi and provided some $500,000 for transportation and for compensation to native landowners. Jackson reiterated his support for the act in various messages to Congress, notably “On Indian Removal” (1830) and “A Permanent Habitation for the American Indians” (1835), which illuminated his political justifications for removal and described some of the outcomes he expected would derive from the relocation process.

Indigenous reactions to the Indian Removal Act varied. The Southeast Indians were for the most part tightly organized and heavily invested in agriculture. The farms of the most populous tribes—the Choctaw, Creek, Chickasaw, Seminole, and Cherokee—were particularly coveted by outsiders because they were located in prime agricultural areas and were very well developed. This meant that speculators who purchased such properties could immediately turn a profit: fields had already been cleared, pastures fenced, barns and houses built, and the like. Thus, the Southeast tribes approached federal negotiations with the goal of either reimbursement for or protection of their members’ investments.


The Choctaw were the first polity to finalize negotiations: in 1830 they agreed to cede their real property for western land, transportation for themselves and their goods, and logistical support during and after the journey. However, the federal government had no experience in transporting large numbers of civilians, let alone their household effects, farming equipment, and livestock. Bureaucratic ineptitude and corruption caused many Choctaw to die from exposure, malnutrition, exhaustion, and disease while traveling.

The Chickasaw signed an initial removal agreement as early as 1830, but negotiations were not finalized until 1832. Skeptical of federal assurances regarding reimbursement for their property, members of the Chickasaw nation sold their landholdings at a profit and financed their own transportation. As a result, their journey, which took place in 1837, had fewer problems than did those of the other Southeast tribes.

The Creek also finalized a removal agreement in 1832. However, Euro-American settlers and speculators moved into the planned Creek cessions prematurely, causing conflicts, delays, and fraudulent land sales that delayed the Creek journey until 1836. Federal authorities once again proved incompetent and corrupt, and many Creek people died, often from the same preventable causes that had killed Choctaw travelers.

A small group of Seminole leaders negotiated a removal agreement in 1832, but a majority of the tribe protested that the signatories had no authority to represent them. The United States insisted that the agreement should hold, instigating such fierce resistance to removal that the ensuing conflict became known as the Second Seminole War (1835–42). Although many were eventually captured and removed to the west, a substantial number of Seminole people managed to elude the authorities and remain in Florida.

The Cherokee chose to use legal action to resist removal. Their lawsuits, notably Cherokee Nation v. Georgia (1831) and Worcester v. Georgia (1832), reached the U.S. Supreme Court but ultimately provided no relief. As with the Seminole, a few Cherokee leaders negotiated a removal agreement that was subsequently rejected by the people as a whole. Although several families moved west in the mid-1830s, most believed that their property rights would ultimately be respected. This was not to be the case, and in 1838 the U.S. military began to force Cherokee people from their homes, often at gunpoint. Held in miserable internment camps for days or weeks before their journeys began, many became ill, and most were very poorly equipped for the arduous trip. Those who took the river route were loaded onto boats in which they traveled parts of the Tennessee, Ohio, Mississippi, and Arkansas rivers, eventually arriving at Fort Gibson in Indian Territory. Not until then did the survivors receive much-needed food and supplies. Perhaps 4,000 of the estimated 15,000 Cherokee died on the journey, while some 1,000 avoided internment and built communities in North Carolina.

Traditionally, the Northeast Indian nations tended to be more mobile and less politically unified than those of the Southeast. As a result, literally dozens of band-specific removal agreements were negotiated with the peoples of that region between 1830 and 1840. Many of the groups residing in the coniferous forests of the Upper Midwest, such as various bands of Ojibwa and Ho-Chunk, agreed to cede particular tracts of land but retained in perpetuity the right to hunt, fish, and gather wild plants and timber from such properties. Groups living in the prairies and deciduous forests of the Lower Midwest, including bands of Sauk, Fox, Iowa, Illinois, and Potawatomi, ceded their land with great reluctance and were moved west in small parties, usually under pressure from speculators, settlers, and the U.S. military. A few groups attempted armed resistance, most notably a band led by the Sauk leader Black Hawk in 1832. Although their experiences are often overshadowed by those of the more-populous Southeast nations, the peoples of the Northeast constituted perhaps one-third to one-half of those who were subject to removal.

In 1987 the U.S. Congress designated the Trail of Tears as a National Historic Trail in memory of those who had suffered and died during removal. As mentioned above, the original trail was more than doubled in size in 2009 to reflect the addition of several newly documented routes, as well as roundup and dispersion sites.





"Muscogee (Creek) Throughout the 1600s-2000s"
by Delaney Orr.




Who were the Muscogee people?
The Muskogee, also known as Creeks, are a Native American group who lived in the Southern part of North America, particularly in Georgia and Alabama. The Creeks were composed of numerous tribes during the American Colonial Period. Catawba, Iroquois, and Shawnee, as well as the Cherokee were part of this large group. The Muscogee were called "Creeks" by the English because they had many streams in their territory. In Georgia, many disputes took place between the English and the Red Stick faction of the Creek tribes. This caused the Creeks to gradually lose their lands.

1600s
Hernando de Soto discovers the Creeks (1540)
Spanish conquistador Hernando de Soto was the first to discover the tribe after initially exploring North America for gold. When de Soto tried to take their land, the Creeks defended it against the Spanish explorer: causing the Battle of Mabila. This forced the Creeks to fight in a war they didn't wish to go into.

Battle of Mabila (1540)
Hernando de Soto wanted to ask the native village about where his men could find gold. Because the leader of this particular tribe, Chief Tuskaloosa, did not want him advancing into their land, he commanded de Soto to stay in his boat and find another place to settle. The conquistador, not liking this decision, came back with more of his men and burned down the village, killing every Creek in the process. An account from one of his Spaniard men states that "they fled out of the place, the cavalry and infantry driving them back through the gates, where losing the hope of escape, they fought valiantly".



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<< Click here for a larger picture of these Creeks >>



First Trade with English (1670)
Right after the English established the first colonies in South Carolina in 1670, the Creeks set up a business of selling their war captives to the colonists. The English colonists could then use them as slaves for labor or helping with other duties. This soon led to capturing Florida Indians, whose land they were very close to, for things they could not make by themselves. Examples of common items they would receive are textiles and kettles. Overall, trading with the South Carolina colonists allowed the Creeks to expand their territory into Florida so they could keep up the slave business. By the early 1700s, however, this trade had died down due to the supply of the Florida Indians captured as well as the demand for them decreasing. 



Creek and Cherokee War (1715)
The Cherokee and Muscogee met in a no man's land area to debate and settle hunting grounds. The Cherokee killed Muscogee in their sleep, beginning a 40 year war between the Cherokee and Muscogees (Creek).


Treaty of Augusta (1763)
John Stuart forced Muscogees into a treaty to manage trade between English and Creeks. This caused English traders to move and live in Creek country. Over time the British and Creeks intermarried. Throughout and After The Revolutionary War (1775-1783). Creeks avoided the war as much as possible. They struggled for leadership among their towns. This is Leaders could not agree on land and fair trading. After the colonists won their freedom, the Creeks gave up a part of their land in Georgia. Caused the colonists to expanded their territory into Georgia

Post War (1783+)
The Muscogee deerskin trade alliance with English collapsed, due to decline of white tailed deer. The English attempted to convert the tribe to Christianity and turn them into farmers, but were unsuccessful. Georgia began to see the Muscogee as a problem in expansion of slavery, and a burden as they no longer profited from deer skin trade alliance. Overall, The colonists fought to own Muscogees Indians land. This worsened the relationship between English and Creeks.


Treaty of Fort Wilkinson (1802)
Signed by James Wilkinson and Creek Indian Agents, this treaty gave a piece of land west of the Oconee River and a piece of land in southeast Georgia that originally belonged to the Creeks to the US. In addition to that, the treaty gave the US the right to place their troops to "protect" their frontiers.

Red Stick War (1813-1814)
The United States made a program that forced Creeks to become planters and ranchers. While some of the Creeks obeyed this program, others were not happy with the unfair treatment that they were receiving. This led to increased tensions between the US, other European Empires and the Creeks which resulted in a civil war, also known as the Red Stick War. The war resulted in 800 Creeks massacred by a force led by General Andrew Jackson. The Treaty of Fort Jackson ended the civil war in 1814 and the treaty unfortunately made the Creeks give up a lot of land.

Treaty of Indian Springs (1825)
In this treaty, the Creeks lost all of their remaining land because Georgia agents bribed Creek leader William McIntosh to sign a document that would give them their remaining territory in return for plantation land along the Chattahoochee River. Creeks who were angry with the fact that the Creek leaders were allied with Jackson wanted McIntosh dead. The US rejected the Treaty of Indian Springs but the Georgia Government did not reject the treaty.


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Death of McIntosh (April 1825): On April 30th, Upper Creek chief Menawa, along with 200 Creek warriors, went to kill McIntosh at Lockchau Talofau. They burned his home, and shot and stabbed McIntosh to death. The Creeks were tired of having the short end of the stick when it came to the alliance with General Jackson. For them, killing McIntosh was the only option to end the toxic alliance.



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Looks like the Scots really got around with Indian girls




Treaty of Washington (1826)
In this treaty, Creek representatives signed away the rest of their land. They were continuously getting kicked out of their homeland. These treaties violated US law and disobeyed most reforms McIntosh had previously supported.


The Muscogee National Constitutional Convention/New Constitution  (1979)
The Muscogee/Creek tribe wanted to limit overall citizenship rights among their people. To discuss these citizenship rights they decided to hold a National Constitutional Convention.  Through this convention a new constitution was formed, this replaced their previous constitution which was ratified in 1866. In the new constitution the decision was made that one can only be a part of the Muscogee Tribe if they are able to provide evidence of blood relation to the tribe's ancestors. This proof of relation would need to be shown in the form of document  on the Dawes Commission roll that lists direct descent from an ancestor. Through the use of the Dawes Rolls for determining ancestry relation membership of the tribe increased vastly when over 58,000 joined. This new constitution not only made citizenship rights clear, but also encouraged a sense of growth within the tribe as a whole.


Citizenship Controversy (1981-2001)
Since the new constitution was established in 1979 there was a spark within the Creek community which caused a lot of turmoil. The new constitution that was ratified in 1979 made is so people could only prove their citizenship by using the Dawes Commission roll. The reason this angered so many was because not everyone had access to this and it was what was preventing them from becoming a member of the Creek tribe and community. In 1981 the Creek altered some of their membership rules so that people who didn't have access to the Dawes Commission roll could still become members. This new alteration made it so people that were applying to become apart of the Creek Community could use a variety of documents in order to prove their Muscogee/Creek ancestry.


Tribe Recognition (1984-1985)
The Bureau of Indian Affairs acknowledged the Poarch Band of the Creek Indians as an official tribe. This was a huge milestone in the lives of the members of this specific band of the tribe. Other federally recognized tribes include the Alabama Quassarte, the Kailegee and the Thlopthlocco, these tribes are all located in the Alabama Quassarte Tribal Town in Oklahoma. Shortly after this huge leap forward for the Creek the US government took 231.54 acres of land into trust for the tribe as a communal holding, Then on April 12, 1985, 229.54 acres were declared a reservation for the Creek tribe.


The Creek Freedman

“Our organization was formed primarily to educate the general public about our history, and our culture,” says Rhonda Grayson. “It’s such a rich history, and when you speak of these people, Black Creeks, oftentimes many don’t know that our families actually traveled on the Trail of Tears. Though you often only hear about Native Americans’ journey, most people don’t know that there were freed men and women of color. There were some who were actually slaves to the Creek Indians, and so people don’t realize that our family members actually traveled on that trail and suffered loss, and lived just like any other individuals who were traveling on the Trail of Tears.”

Established back in 1979, the Muscogee Creek Freedmen Band provides a number of educational services, from holding programs and meetings to genealogy workshops, conferences and even a traveling exhibit, which was exhibited at the Five Civilized Tribes Museum in Muskogee, the Oklahoma Metropolitan Library and more. Grayson’s true life goal, though, is to help secure indigenous rights for herself and her fellow Black Creeks, whose citizenships, identities, voting rights and access to federally funded programs were revoked in 1979 after the Muscogee Nation disenfranchised the Freedmen with the adoption of a new Constitution that required a blood quantuma measurement of how much “Indian blood” a person had — reorganizing the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act’s authority.



Blood quantum, an essay by Savannah Maher

If you're Native American, there's a good chance that you've thought a lot about blood quantum — a highly controversial measurement of the amount of "Indian blood" you have. It can affect your identity, your relationships and whether or not you — or your children — may become a citizen of your tribe. Blood quantum was initially a system that the federal government placed onto tribes in an effort to limit their citizenship. Many Native nations, including the Navajo Nation and the Turtle Mountain Band of Chippewa Indians, still use it as part of their citizenship requirements.

Blood quantum simply is the amount of "Indian blood" that an individual possesses. The federal government, and specifically the Department of the Interior, issues what is called a "Certified Degree of Indian Blood," and that is a card similar to an ID card. So the way that blood quantum is calculated is by using tribal documents, and usually it's a tribal official or a government official that calculates it. But really it's a mathematical equation. So the quantum is a fraction of blood that is derived going back to the original enrollees of a tribe who were counted on Census rolls, and then their blood quantum was documented, and usually those original enrollees had a full blood quantum - Typically.

How did people know that those original enrollees had "full blood quantum"? Well, they didn't. And that's that's one of the major problems with blood quantum today is that a lot of times, the people taking the rolls were federal government officials who were unfamiliar with Native ways of establishing and defining their own communities. And so, for example, these officials would mark someone potentially as "full blood" when potentially that person was not. And that assumption was based on their appearance, on their level of cultural involvement with their community.

But a great example for how to understand this problem in real life is that there is a history of freedmen who are black individuals who were living as fully incorporated members of Indian tribes. And when these original roles were taken, oftentimes these freedmen were not included, even though those individuals may be of mixed heritage: black and Indian. Because of their black appearance, they were listed on a separate roll. And today, the ramification is that they do not have that original enrollee [in their past]. They do not have enough blood quantum, and therefore oftentimes cannot be extended tribal membership.

Can you talk to me about how the concept of blood quantum came to be used for Native tribes? Certainly, American Indians have been racialized. But our primary identity continues to be a political one. Blood quantum really emerges as a way to trace race between generations of Native people starting at the turn of the 20th century. And again, I think it's helpful to understand the way that blood quantum works through another example that people may be more familiar with — and that's the "one drop rule."

"One Drop Rule"

The one drop rule measured the amount of "black blood" that black people had in society. And that ensured that every person who had at least one drop would be considered black and would be covered under these discriminatory laws and, even in the earlier days, enslaved.

Blood quantum emerged as a way to measure "Indian-ness" through a construct of race. So that over time, Indians would literally breed themselves out and rid the federal government of their legal duties to uphold treaty obligations.

One of the questions that kept coming up is: OK, so why don't tribes just ditch these blood quantum requirements and switch to an enrollment requirement that uses lineal descent? (Lineal descent basically means that, if your ancestors were enrolled in a tribe, you can be, too.) That is the question of the century. And first, I want to be clear that I don't intend to speak on behalf of any specific tribes or even on behalf of my own, but I'm happy to walk you through some of those arguments that exist in support of maintaining blood quantum requirements for tribal membership.

The thing that I've found to be most interesting about both arguments — in support and against blood quantum requirements — is the language of survival. So, lineal descendant supporters think about high memberships through the lens of existence as a resistance right. And so there's a desire to build up tribes' numbers and capacity in order to survive and perpetuate the tribe. On the other side, those who defend blood quantum requirements also evoke this language of survival, and they look upon those blood quantum minimums as a way to preserve an already existing closed community that's very close and ... usually very culturally connected.

Even though they're using what a lot of people say is a "Colonialist construct"? Yes. And I don't think that anyone would argue that it isn't that. That history is very clear. But, tribes today of course have to adapt, and blood quantum for some tribes in their view has been a way to preserve their community. I also want to emphasize that it is the tribe's sovereign right to determine their own membership and whether that involves a blood quantum minimum or lineal descent system. Ultimately their decision has to be respected in order to uphold tribal sovereignty.

You've used the phrase "personal gains" before to refer to some people who might've claimed Indian heritage. Can you walk me through what specifically those personal gains look like?You hear every time a tribe changes over to lineal descent, or that there is a newly recognized tribe, for example, that usually there's a mass group that's interested in joining. And potentially, some of those incentives would be financial gain if the tribe, for example, has gaming revenue or other industries. Of course, there is a desire on some individuals' part to claim an identity for affirmative-action purposes. But again, I would say that is certainly the minority of this side of the cases. But it does happen and I just want to point it out again to show that there are difficulties on both sides and that there's not a clear-cut answer yet.


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If each tribe is able to determine their own their own enrollment requirements, are there any tribes out there that you've heard of that are deciding to forego lineal descent and blood quantum — and deciding to use another completely different method? I have heard of one example in Canada, where a First Nation has decided to open enrollment to people who have no Indian ancestry at all. Meaning that those individuals don't meet the federal Canadian requirements of being a "status Indian," and they also don't have that blood quantum or descendancy from an original enrollee. It's an extremely progressive and interesting move, and they're really changing the game. Listen to our episode on blood quantum from earlier this week, and check out this essay from Savannah Maher, a former NPR producer, about her own struggle with blood quantum.


The disenfranchisement of the Freedmen, Grayson says, directly contradicts the birthrights her people were given over a hundred years ago. The beginning of this complicated timeline for the Creek Freedmen starts in 1866, when enslaved Africans living in Indian territory were given their freedom. “Our people, our ancestors were freed by the Treaty of 1866. Article Two, which has specific language regarding people of African descent, identifies these people as African Creek, and says that these people would have all the rights and privileges of the land,” Grayson says.

“So basically, they were citizens — on equal standing [with Native Americans] and both individuals were considered to be a full blood. If you were considered a full blooded Indian with native blood, it didn’t matter, you were on equal standing with Creek Freedmen with African blood, we were all citizens of the nation.” For decades, the Black Creek played integral roles within the native community, serving as senators, judges, lawyers and even as principal chiefs of the Creek Nation. This all changed in 1898. Grayson tells us that this is when Henry Dawes rolled in, a man responsible for a government census that played a consequential role in separating the community for decades to come — one that, in fact, continues to divide the community to this day.

Under the Curtis Act, the government began to divide the tribal governments and communal lands through blood, creating allotments to every tribal member based on this new standing. The United States government began dividing up the tribal governments and communal lands in Indian Territory. In Oklahoma, the government created allotments and gave payments to every tribal member. In order to figure out who was an enrolled member of a tribe, the government took a census. This census was run by Dawes and was part of what was called the Dawes Commission. Dawes had a significant effect on families like Rhonda’s. Black people were assigned a different status in the tribe.

“There was of course no DNA testing at that time, so there was no viable way for these individuals to determine whether someone was native or had native blood,” Grayson said. “They would just look at people and say, ‘okay, you’re a little bit darker skinned, and then they would place people of African descent, or who they thought were of African descent, on the Freedmen roll, which ultimately took away their citizenship many, many years later.”


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An ongoing battle

One of the individuals placed on the Freedman roll was Grayson’s own great grandmother, America Cohee, number 4661, who was only 11-years-old at the time. Born in 1888, America Cohee passed away in 1980 — just one year after being disenfranchised from the tribe she spent her entire life in. “I can only imagine how my great grandmother felt being disenfranchised from the nation of her birth,” Grayson said. “It changed things a lot for our people. I think their identity has been lost — there are many people who followed the ways of the Indians, so when you were disenfranchised from the tribe, you lost a lot of that cultural identity.”

Now, Grayson has taken up the gauntlet of trying to reinstall these rights for her people. Beyond a loss of identity, tribal rights are also directly tied to benefits that Creek Freedmen now miss out on following their disenfranchisement. Grayson tells us that there are “educational opportunities that people of African descent really could have used, as well as health benefits and housing.” 

“The Creek Nation also received a payment due to COVID-19,” she says. “African American people are being affected at high rates from COVID-19 and they certainly would have benefitted from that payment. So yes, people of African descent are missing out on a lot of benefits from the Creek Nation, because they were disenrolled unjustly.”

Since being disenfranchised more than 40 years ago, individual members of the Creek Freedmen have tried and failed to reenroll for tribal citizenship. Then, in 2018, the Muscogee Creek Indian Freedmen Band finally filed a federal lawsuit against the Creek Nation and the Interior Department in an official appeal to regain their rights. The case was dismissed in 2019, and Grayson applied for citizenship yet again before receiving another denial. 

Grayson has not given up hope, though, seeking the assistance from the Dean of Academic Affairs at National Tribal Trial College, James D. Diamond, and attorney Damario Solomon-Simmons, with whom she has filed a new lawsuit in the Creek Nation’s lower court. The case is currently in discovery. “People lived their entire lives as Creek Indians, went to Creek schools, Creek churches, spoke the Creek language, and celebrated Creek ceremonies. And then one day they were told they were no longer Creek,” says Diamond. “It’s one thing when an Indian Tribe creates membership rules. It’s another thing entirely when you take existing citizens and one day change the rules to say an entire group of citizens are no longer citizens.”

In a statement, the Muscogee Nation said that the issue of the status of the descendants of enslaved people raised polarizing questions about tribal citizenship that “cut to the core of self-determination.” The tribes, they said, had fundamental rights to run their own governments and decide for themselves who qualifies as a citizen. Some suggested a reconciliation commission, rather than an edict from Congress, would be a way to resolve the issue. “Many of our citizens feel that identity is at the heart of this issue and that blood lineage is essential to protecting it,” the Muscogee Nation said. “But, on the other hand, the grave injustice done to the slaves owned by some Creeks has to be acknowledged and discussed …



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Note to the Muscogee Creek Freedmen Band: only your ignorance, in true Negro fashion, would allow you to let a bunch of Albinos and Mulattoes like those people above, to talk such unmitigated nonsense to you and the American public. This page is an addendum to the page "Indigenous Peoples". We suggest you read that page.

Hint Negroes, did you notice the picture below? That is a picture of a REAL Creek Indian! Do any of the people on the "Creek National Council" look like him? No they don't, they look like what they are, Albinos and Mulattoes! You better go get your money (from 1979) with interest.


This is a challenging issue with implications that cut to the core of self-determination, and will require a thoughtful conversation among our citizenry. We are confident that our nation is equipped to rise to the occasion.” Asked what it would mean to her to finally gain tribal citizenship for the first time in her life, Grayson says: “it would be a blessing and an atonement, I guess. Imagine living here as a United States citizen all your life, knowing no other homeland, then you wake up the next morning and the headline reads: ‘you’ve been disenfranchised from the United States of America. Go back from wherever you came from.’ That’s essentially what happened to our people in 1979.”



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Creek Freedmen - why don't you ponder this painting for a while, then maybe a new thought might come to your mind.





Congressional Bill number:

H.R.4637 - To sever United States Government relations with the Creek Nation of Oklahoma until
such time as the Creek Nation of Oklahoma restores full Tribal citizenship to the Creek Freedmen
disenfranchised in the October 6, 1979, Creek Nation vote and fulfills all its treaty
obligations with the Government of the United States, and for other purposes.


117th Congress (2021-2022) Shown Here:
Introduced in House (07/22/2021)


117th CONGRESS
1st Session
H. R. 4637


To sever United States Government relations with the Creek Nation of Oklahoma until such time as the Creek Nation of Oklahoma restores full Tribal citizenship to the Creek Freedmen disenfranchised in the October 6, 1979, Creek Nation vote and fulfills all its treaty obligations with the Government of the United States, and for other purposes.
IN THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES
July 22, 2021

Mr. Danny K. Davis of Illinois introduced the following bill; which was referred to the Committee on Natural Resources, and in addition to the Committee on the Judiciary, for a period to be subsequently determined by the Speaker, in each case for consideration of such provisions as fall within the jurisdiction of the committee concerned
A BILL

To sever United States Government relations with the Creek Nation of Oklahoma until such time as the Creek Nation of Oklahoma restores full Tribal citizenship to the Creek Freedmen disenfranchised in the October 6, 1979, Creek Nation vote and fulfills all its treaty obligations with the Government of the United States, and for other purposes.

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled,

SECTION 1. Findings.

Congress finds the following:

(1) Historically, the Muscogee (Creek) Nation (“Creek Nation”) were comprised of a confederacy of separate towns, Tribes, and peoples. Each town was a complete governmental unit in and of itself. Among those peoples were the Yamassee or Jamassi, who were reported to have emigrated from Africa prior to the European discovery of America.

(2) As colonists and eventually nonindigenous Americans began to inhabit this area, these new residents sought to “civilize the Creek Indian”. In the ensuing decades, the United States continuously and repeatedly attempted to impose, often by force, its customs, economy, religion, and political structure on indigenous groups such as the Creek Nation.

(3) One American custom adopted by some Creek Nation citizens was the plantation economy and the reliance on chattel African slavery as a labor force. Along with enslaved Africans who were owned by Creek Nation citizens, there were also Creek Nation citizens of African descent and free Blacks openly living as full citizens of the Creek Nation.

(4) In the 1830s, citizens of the Creek Nation were forcibly removed from their lands in the southeastern United States and forced to migrate to Indian Territory (present day Oklahoma) along a route known as the Trail of Tears. Among those persons forced to migrate were—

(A) African individuals who were enslaved by citizens of the Creek Nation;

(B) Creek Nation citizens of “African descent”;

(C) free “Africans” living as citizens of the Creek Nation; and

(D) “mixed blood” Creek Nation citizens now known as the “Black Creeks” or “Creek Freedmen”.

(5) Citizens of the Creek Nation were removed primarily by their traditional Tribal “town”, and it was the town “Micos” or chiefs who kept the Tribal rolls. This allowed Creek Nation citizens who survived the journey to reestablish their traditional towns in Indian Territory.

(6) Removal was carried out by the military, and approximately 24,000 Creek Nation citizens were forced to travel to Indian Territory on foot or by riverboats. Due to poor planning, organization, and indifference by the Federal Government, thousands of Creek Nation citizens died on the way to Indian Territory due to exposure, starvation, and disease.

(7) Even after removal to Indian Territory, some Creek Nation citizens continued to hold slaves until the Creek Treaty of 1866 abolished slavery in the Creek Nation.

(8) In 1861, a faction of the Creek Nation known as “Southern Creeks” executed a treaty with the Confederate States of America, severing its relations with the United States Government. Members of the Southern Creeks held positions in the Congress and military of the Confederate States of America and waged war against the United States during the Civil War. Other Creeks, known as the “Loyal Creeks”, who generally resisted cultural assimilation, provided supplies, men, and support for the Union. A contingent of Loyal Creeks, which included a substantial “Black” Creek component, left their homes in Oklahoma and moved to Kansas to flee Southern Creek soldiers and their Confederate allies.

(9) The Battle of Honey Springs was a major battle that occurred in Indian Territory during the Civil War, and Loyal Creeks, including “Black” Creeks, valiantly fought against the Confederacy and their allies.

(10) In 1865, as the Civil War ended, President Andrew Johnson designated a commission to travel to Fort Smith, Arkansas, to convene a council for the purpose of negotiating a new treaty with the Creek Nation.

(11) The members of that commission declared that a treaty with the United States “must” contain certain stipulations, including that “the institution of slavery, which has existed among several of the Tribes, must be forthwith abolished, and measures taken for the unconditional emancipation of all persons held in bondage, and for their incorporation into the Tribes on an equal footing with the original members, or suitably provided for.”.

(12) The Creek Nation’s 5-person delegation included both leaders of the Loyal Creeks and Southern Creeks. One of the members of the Loyal Creek delegation was an African Creek named Cow Tom.

(13) The Creek Treaty of 1866 negotiations occurred between 1865 and 1866, first in Fort Smith, Arkansas, and then in Washington, DC. It was in Washington, DC, where the Treaty was signed and upon the signing of the 1866 Treaty the United States reestablished official relations with the Creek Nation.

(14) The Creek Treaty of 1866 became the foundational legal document of the Creek Nation and established the Creek Nation as it is known today.

(15) The Creek Treaty of 1866 declared that the Black Creeks, also known as “Creek Freedmen”, were to be made citizens of the Creek Nation and to have all the rights of other Creek citizens.

(16) Article II of the Creek Treaty of 1866 provides in pertinent part:

        “[I]nasmuch as there are among the Creek many persons of African descent … it is stipulated that hereafter these persons, lawfully residing in said Creek country, under their laws and usages, or who have been thus residing in said country, and may return within one year from the ratification of this treaty, and their descendants and such others of the same race as may be permitted by the laws of said Nation to settle within the limits of the jurisdiction of the Creek Nation as citizens [thereof], shall have and enjoy all the rights and privileges of native citizens, including an equal interest in the soil and national funds; and the laws of said Nation shall be equally binding upon and give equal protection to all such persons …”.

(17) Virtually identical clauses relating to the citizenship of individuals of African descent within the Seminole and Cherokee Nations were negotiated, agreed upon, and added to the respective Seminole and Cherokee Treaties of 1866.

(18) Shortly after executing the Treaty of 1866, the Creek Nation reorganized their constitutional structure, and in 1867, it created a new and expansive constitution which recognized and affirmed the full citizenship rights of Black Creeks.

(19) The 1867 Constitution did not discriminate against Creeks of African descent, Free Black, or Creek Freedmen citizens of the Creek Nation.

(20) In fact, upon ratifying the 1867 Constitution, the Creek Nation reconstituted its 44 traditional “towns” and voluntarily created 3 additional towns (“Freedmen Towns”) so the Freedmen would have equal representation in the Creek Nation’s National Council.

(21) Also, in 1867, the Creek Nation gathered at the request of Federal Indian Agent J.W. Dunn (“Dunn”) to identify and list the individual members of the Creek Nation.

(22) As a result of that gathering, Dunn compiled a roll of the Creek Nation’s citizens, which came to be known as the “Dunn Roll”. Listed on the Dunn Roll were all of the Creek Nation’s then-gathered citizens, which encompassed Creek Nation citizens with African ancestry, including Native Africans, Free Africans, and newly emancipated, formerly enslaved Creek Freedmen.

(23) Many Creek Nation citizens were forced to leave Creek Nation territory during the Civil War because of the violence or for various other reasons. The Treaty of 1866 gave Creek Nation citizens until July 15, 1867, to return to Creek territory in order to be included on the Dunn Roll. However, Dunn completed his roll 5 months early and sent it to Washington, DC, in February 1867.

(24) As a result, the Creek Nation created a Post-Civil War Citizenship Commission to review the applications of people who claimed they were Creek Nation citizens who should have been included on the Dunn Roll. The Creek Nation Post-Civil War Citizenship Commission reviewed several thousand applications, and admitted over 1,700 individuals and their descendants between 1867 and 1895. Numerous Native Africans, Free Blacks, and newly emancipated Freedmen were among the 1,700 individuals granted full citizenship by the Creek Nation Post-War Citizenship Commission.

(25) In the decade after the Treaty of 1866 was enacted, individuals of African descent (Native Africans, Free Africans, and formerly enslaved African/Freedmen) worked with all other Creek Nation citizens to attempt to rebuild the Creek Nation.

(26) However, many of the Confederate-aligned Upper/Southern Creeks refused to respect Creek Freedmen citizenship rights. In fact, on October 1, 1877, the Upper/Southern actions were rebuked by then Creek Nation Principal Chief Ward Coachman during his address to the Creek National Council:

        “… [A]nd inasmuch as there are Freedmen among us, whose rights under the treaty of 1866, have not by some been recognized, and in consequence thereof have been discouraged, are not improving or advancing as they might do; and the treaty relative thereto being so plain that no one can mistake or misunderstand it. I allude particularly to those known as the McGilvery or McGilbrey Freedmen whom we know belonged to our own people, were here within our country when the treaty was made and have remained among us ever since. I would recommend if necessary that some action be had recognizing the rights of all who under the treaty are entitled to citizenship and equal rights and privileges with us.”.

(27) Between 1867 and 1895, the Creek Nation created numerous rolls of its citizens. None of these rolls created by the Creek Nation contained or listed blood quantum, or singled out Creeks of African descent, “Free Black” Creek Citizens, or former enslaved Africans who were emancipated and accepted as Creek citizens pursuant to the Treaty of 1866.

(28) Between 1866 and 1906, Creeks of African descent were an essential part of the Creek Nation community, as evidenced by their service in important and high positions in the Creek Nation’s government and other areas of Creek life.

(29) In 1887, Congress passed the Dawes Act of 1887 (“Dawes Act”).

(30) The stated purpose of the Dawes Act was to prepare Indian Territory for statehood. To this end, the Dawes Act authorized the transfer of most of the land owned corporately by the Creek Nation to individual Tribal citizens.

(31) After the passing of the Dawes Act, Congress created the Dawes Commission in 1893. Congress tasked the Dawes Commission with identifying all Creek citizens eligible for land allotment in what would come to be known as the “Dawes Rolls”.

(32) Congress then passed the Curtis Act of June 28, 1898 (30 Stat. 495) (“Curtis Act”), directing the Dawes Commission to create 2 lists of citizens of the Creek Nation who would be eligible for land allotment, which became the following:

(A) The “Creek Nation Creek Roll”, which was purportedly composed only of Creek Nation citizens with Creek blood.

(B) The “Creek Nation Freedmen Roll”, which was purportedly composed only of Creek Nation citizens who were formerly enslaved Africans and devoid of any Creek blood.

(33) The Dawes Commission, motivated by racism, used race and Creek Nation citizens’ physical appearance to segregate Creeks of African Descent “Creek Freedmen”. The “true” Creeks, in the Dawes Commission’s estimation, were listed on the Creek Roll (also known as the “Blood Roll”). The Creek Freedmen (individuals of African descent, regardless of whether they or their ancestors were previously enslaved in the Creek Nation) were listed on the Creek Nation Freedmen Roll.

(34) The Dawes Commission employed the hypodescent rule, by which any individual with “one drop” of “Black blood” was to be considered Black and therefore belonged on the Creek Nation Freedmen Roll.

(35) The Dawes Commission therefore enrolled many Creeks of African descent on the Creek Freedmen Roll, regardless of whether they or their ancestors were ever enslaved in the Creek Nation or of how much “Creek blood” they actually possessed.

(36) The Dawes Commission separated families by enrolling full siblings with different blood degrees and enrolling some family members on the Creek Nation Blood Roll and others on the Creek Freedmen Roll. The blood degree or blood quantum was originally to be used only for land allotment purposes.

(37) Therefore, once the Dawes Rolls closed on March 4, 1907, Creek citizens enrolled on the Freedmen Roll and their descendants, in perpetuity, would always carry the ugly badge of slavery, regardless of whether they or their ancestors were ever enslaved, and forever legally be known as Creek Freedmen.

(38) In 1970, Congress passed the “Principal Chiefs Act” requiring the Chickasaw, Choctaw, Cherokee, Seminole, and Creek Nations to obtain approval for their voting laws for selection of each nation’s Principal Chief. The Department of the Interior drafted a policy stating that it was not necessary that each of these groups has identical or similar regulations, but that 3 conditions are deemed fundamental to the democratic selection of a principal Tribal official. One of the three conditions stipulated by the Department was that voter qualifications of the Creeks must be broad enough to include the enrolled Creek Freedmen citizens.

(39) On or about August 18, 1975, the Creek Nation, through its National Council, submitted to the Department of the Interior a draft constitution (“Draft Constitution”) that, among other things, contained express provisions that—

(A) stripped individuals on the 1906 Creek Freedmen Rolls and their then-living lineal descendants of their Creek citizenship; and

(B) prevented the unborn lineal descendants of individuals who were enrolled on the 1906 Creek Freedmen Rolls from becoming citizens of the Creek Nation.

(40) Before the Creek Nation submitted the Draft Constitution to the Department of the Interior, the Creek Nation did not seek, obtain, or allow any input from Creek Freedmen or individuals representing Creek Freedmen interests.

(41) Minutes from the Creek Nation’s October 29, 1977, National Council meeting reveal that one of the express goals of the Draft Constitution was to strip Freedmen and Creek Freedmen descendants of their Creek citizenship and rights. The minutes state the following:

        “When you go back to the old [1867] Constitution, you are licked before you start; because it doesn’t talk about Indians, it talks about CITIZENS of the CREEK NATION. When you got down to the Allotment time, there were more that was non-Indians or half-blood or less, who outnumbered the full blood, all of these totaled about 11,000, and there were only 18,000 on the entire Roll; so, there was only 9,000 above One-half blood. That’s the reason, they lost control; the FULLBLOOD lost control. That’s what we’re fighting, this blood quantum, trying to get back and let the people control because under the old Constitution, you’ve lost before you ever started. There were three FREEDMAN bands that would outnumber you today as citizens. So, if we want to keep the INDIAN in control, we’ve got to take a good look at this thing and get us a Constitution that will keep the Creek Indian in Control.”.

(42) On October 6, 1979, the Creek Nation held an election to formally adopt the 1979 Constitution and replace the 1867 Constitution.

(43) Section 503 of the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act (25 U.S.C. 5203), in effect since 1979, required the participation of at least 30 percent of “those entitled” to vote, or the results of the election are invalid.

(44) The total number of “entitled” voters that Creek officials identified prior to the 1979 constitutional referendum did not include Creek Freedmen in an apparent effort to meet OIWA election requirements. Creek Freedmen and their descendants were denied the right to vote on the 1979 Constitution and therefore did not vote on the 1979 constitution.

(45) Upon the dubious ratification of the 1979 Constitution, the Creek Nation illegally declared that all Freedmen were not entitled to Creek citizenship and would no longer be recognized as nor allowed to be citizens of the Creek Nation.

(46) Thousands of Creek Freedmen descendants have been denied their Creek citizenship rights in a bold violation of the Treaty of 1866.

(47) In violation of the Treaty of 1866, the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution, the Principal Chiefs Act of 1970, and the Oklahoma Indian Welfare Act, Creek Freedmen have been illegally barred from participating, as voters and candidates, in every Creek election from 1979 through the present.

(48) Currently, the Creek Nation operates under a Principal Chief elected in violation of the 1970 Principal Chiefs Act and Treaty of 1866, and a National Council constituted without Creek Freedmen representatives, in violation of the Treaty of 1866.

(49) Since 1979, thousands of Creek Freedmen have continuously attempted to assert and regain their full citizenship rights by formally applying for Creek citizenship only to be completely ignored or summarily rebuffed. Oftentimes Freedmen applicants would be informed of their denial via a form letter from the Creek Nation, which would include some version of the following language, taken from a May 31, 2002, letter from the Creek Nation to a Creek Freedman applicant:

        “We are returning your letter and any other documents submitted for enrollment into the Muscogee (Creek) Nation because in checking the Dawes Commission Rolls, your ancestors were enrolled on the Creek Freedmen Rolls. If you will note from the copy you submitted there is no blood quantum listed because they are not Creek by Blood. When slavery was abolished following the Civil War, Treaties were negotiated with the Five-Civilized Tribes; the Choctaw, Cherokee, Chickasaw, Creek and Seminole Nations. The treaties conferred citizenship in the Tribes on the negroes who had been held in slavery by the Tribes. Such citizens were referred as ‘Freedmen’.”.

(50) A Creek Freedmen Indians or African/Black Creek Indians association was organized and continues to work to preserve the unique identity of members of the Muscogee Creek Indian Freedmen Band Association, and to protect the history, legacy, rights, and dignity of the thousands of Creek Freedmen Indians.

(51) Beginning in 2004, 2 Creek Freedmen litigated the issue of Creek Freedmen citizenship within the Creek Nation court in Johnson and Graham v. Muscogee (Creek) Nation of Oklahoma Citizenship Board, CV 2003–54.

(52) The Creek Freedmen contended that they and all Creek Freedmen were eligible for citizenship in the Creek Nation pursuant to the Treaty of 1866, the Muscogee (Creek) Nation Constitution, and the Creek Nation Citizenship Code.

(53) In its March 27, 2006, opinion, the Creek Nation District Court declined to reach the substantive issues related to the Treaty of 1866. Instead, the court found that the Citizenship Board did not follow Creek Nation law, which mandated that the Citizenship Board process the citizenship applications of the Creek Freedmen.

(54) On or about April 13, 2006, the Citizenship Board refused to comply with the Creek Nation’s District Court order to process the Creek Freedmen’s citizenship applications. On November 2, 2007, the Creek Nation Supreme Court unanimously reversed the district court decision and refused to rule on the applicability of the citizenship provisions of the Treaty of 1866.

(55) The manner in which the Creek Nation is conducting the relationship between the United States and the Tribal entity is not in the best interest of the United States Government or the citizens of the Creek Nation, and violates existing treaties and laws governing the relationship between the United States Government and the Creek Nation.

(56) The Creek Nation’s current refusal to recognize the citizenship rights of Creek Freedmen and to deny to Creek Freedmen all rights, privileges, protections, and benefits arising from citizenship in the Creek Nation equally and on the same basis as all other Creek Nation citizens, including, without limitation, the right to vote in Creek Nation elections, the right to run for and hold Creek Nation office, and the right to receive funds and benefits available to all others is in violation of the treaty rights extended to the Creek Freedmen in a treaty agreement between the United States and the Creek Nation in the 1866 Treaty and the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution.

(57) The Creek Treaty of 1866 guarantees the Creek Freedmen the right to full and equal citizenship in the Creek Nation.

(58) The Creek Freedmen are legally indistinguishable from other citizens of the Creek Nation pursuant to the Creek Treaty of 1866.

(59) As equal citizens of the Creek Nation, the Creek Freedmen descendants are entitled to all rights, privileges, protections, and benefits arising from citizenship in the Creek Nation equally and on the same basis as all other Creek Nation citizens, including, without limitation, the right to vote in Creek Nation elections, the right to run for and hold Creek Nation office, and the right to receive funds and benefits available to Creek Nation citizens.

(60) No Federal statute or superseding treaty has modified the Creek Freedmen descendants’ citizenship rights as granted in the Creek Treaty of 1866.

(61) No amendment to the Creek Nation Constitution has modified nor could modify the citizenship rights of Creek Freedmen, because those rights are derived from the Creek Treaty of 1866 and not the Creek Nation Constitution.

(62) There has been no Act of Congress expressing any intent to abrogate Article 2 of the Creek Treaty of 1866.

(63) The Creek Treaty of 1866 is a bilateral agreement negotiated and signed by two sovereign entities utilizing their executive and legislative governmental powers. The validity of the agreement has not been contested by the Creek Nation. The Treaty of 1866 is the supreme law of the land regarding the citizenship rights of Creek Freedmen.

(64) The Department of the Interior is obligated to protect the Creek Freedmen descendants and to refuse to recognize the Creek Nation’s government until such time as the Creek Nation affirms and restores Creek Freedmen citizenship rights. By continuing to recognize the Creek Nation and its government, elected and formed under the illegal 1979 Constitution, the Department of the Interior has violated and continues to violate its own precedent and policy, and has breached and continues to breach its responsibility to the Freedmen descendants pursuant to Article 2 of the Treaty of 1866.

(65) The Creek Nation has received and continues to receive Federal funding distributed by the Department of the Interior for the benefit of individual Creek Nation citizens. The Department of the Interior has knowledge that the Creek Nation distributes funds under these Federal programs in a discriminatory manner by excluding Creek Freedmen from participation in and receipt of the benefits of the programs by virtue of their status as Creek Freedmen.

SEC. 2. Severance of relations with the Creek Nation.

(a) In General.—The United States hereby severs all relations with the Creek Nation, including all financial obligations or otherwise, until such time as the Creek Nation meets all of its treaty obligations and other Federal statutory obligations (including all obligations under the Treaty of 1866, the Principal Chiefs Act, holding elections for Tribal leaders that are in compliance with the Act, and has restored the rights of all Creek Freedmen dis­en­fran­chised from the Creek Nation), as determined by a final certification under subsection (d).

(b) Compliance with the Requirements of the Act.—The Secretary shall coordinate with all departments and agencies of the Federal Government to ensure that every effort is being made by the Federal Government to comply with this Act.

(c) Reports.—

(1) FEDERAL AGENCIES.—Not later than 30 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, and annually thereafter until the final certification under subsection (d), all departments and agencies of the Federal Government shall submit a report to the Secretary describing—

(A) all Federal programs under their jurisdiction that provide financial assistance and other services to the Creek Nation; and

(B) the efforts undertaken by the department or agency to comply with the requirements of this Act.

(2) STATUS REPORTS.—Until the Secretary certifies to Congress that the Creek Nation is in compliance with its treaty obligations, the Secretary shall submit monthly public reports to Congress on the status of the Federal Government’s efforts to ensure that all departments and agencies of the Federal Government are in compliance with the requirements of this Act.

(3) OTHER FREEDMAN INDIANS.—Not later than 6 months after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Secretary shall issue a public report to Congress on the status of Freedmen in the Creek, Choctaw, Chickasaw, Creek, and Seminole Nations of Oklahoma. The report shall address whether each of those Indian Tribes is in compliance with all treaty obligations and Federal laws with respect to its Freedmen members, the level of participation of its Freedmen members in Tribal leadership positions, Tribal benefits received by its Freedmen members, and previous or current efforts on the part of those Indian Tribes to disenfranchise its Freedmen members.

(d) Congressional Certification.—After the Secretary has certified to Congress that the Creek Nation is in full compliance with all its treaty obligations and Congress approves the Secretary’s certification by a vote taken on a concurrent resolution certifying that the Creek Nation is in full compliance with its treaty obligations, the final certification of the Creek Nation’s treaty compliance shall take effect.

SEC. 3. Suspension of right to conduct gaming operations.

(a) In General.—The Creek Nation’s authority to conduct gaming regulated under the Indian Gaming Regulatory Act and to administer any funds from such gaming are suspended until such time that the Creek Nation is in compliance with all treaty and other obligations with the United States by a final certification under section 2(d).

(b) Report.—Not later than 30 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the National Indian Gaming Commission shall submit a report to Congress detailing the actions that have been taken to enforce subsection (a).

SEC. 4. Noncompliance.

(a) Recertification.—If, after a certification under section 2(d), the Secretary certifies to Congress that the Creek Nation is not in full compliance with its treaty obligations or Federal statutes that govern its relations with the Federal Government, the provisions of section 2(a) through (c) shall apply until Congress recertifies full compliance under section 2(d).

(b) Private Action.—Any Creek Freedmen shall have a private right to bring actions for injunctive relief, declaratory relief, or monetary damages against the Creek Nation of Oklahoma, officials of the Creek Nation of Oklahoma, or Federal officials for noncompliance with this Act or for violations of the terms of the Treaty of 1866, the 13th Amendment to the United States Constitution, or the Indian Civil Rights Act of 1968. The appropriate Federal courts shall have exclusive jurisdiction over actions brought under this subsection.

SEC. 5. Department of Justice.

(a) AG Finding.—Not later than 30 days after the date of the enactment of this Act, the Attorney General shall issue a finding on whether the Federal civil rights of the Creek Freedmen have been violated by the Creek Nation, the Department of the Interior, or both.

(b) Private right of action.—Any Freedmen may bring a private right of action in a court of competent jurisdiction to compel the Attorney General to investigate Federal civil rights violations and provide a determination of whether a violation has occurred within 180 days of submitting a complaint to a court describing the violation in writing.

SEC. 6. GAO report on expenditure of Federal funds.

On October 1 of each year, the Government Accountability Office shall issue a public report to Congress on the following:

(1) For each of the 5 fiscal years ending immediately before the report, the Creek Nation’s expenditure of all Federal funds.

(2) An analysis of Federal funds allocated by the Creek Nation’s leadership for its member benefits and services and for administrative and other purposes.

(3) A determination of whether or not the Creek Nation is in full compliance with all Federal regulations and laws regarding the management and disbursement of Federal funds.

SEC. 7. Definitions.

In this Act:

(1) CREEK NATION.—The term “Creek Nation” means the Muscogee (Creek) Nation of Oklahoma.

(2) CREEK FREEDMEN, FREEDMEN, AND BLACK CREEKS.—The terms “Creek Freedmen”, “Freedmen”, and “Black Creeks” means individuals who can trace their ancestry to individuals listed on the 1906 Dawes Commission Rolls for the Creek Freedmen.

(3) OTHER FREEDMAN INDIANS.—The term “Other Freedmen Indians” means individuals who can trace their ancestry to the 1906 Dawes Commission Rolls who are members of the Choctaw, Chickasaw, Muscogee (Creek), and Seminole Nations.

(4) SECRETARY.—The term “Secretary” means the Secretary of the Interior.









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