As demonstrated in the Anatolia-2 section: there never really was a Hittite Empire in Anatolia or anywhere else for that matter. This Bogus Hittite Empire, was the product of the imagination of people with less than pure motives. Accordingly: translations such as these; where the translator incorrectly substituted "Hittite" for the Egyptian word, is corrected by using "Hattian" instead. The Hattie were much more likely to be the involved people.
This section deals with the practice of kings taking a foreign princess as a wife; in order to accomplish a political goal.
The following are scarab inscriptions and letters dealing with such marriages.
Scarab inscription commemorating the arrival of Kelu Heba in Egypt.
Year ten under the majesty of the Powerful Bull Horus who appears in the Truth [...] endowed with life, the great Royal Wife Tiye, endowed with life. The name of her father is Yuya, the name of her mother is Tuya. A wonder succeeding Her Majesty: of the Prince of Naharina, Shuttarna, Kelu Heba. Women of his harem: 317 women.
One of the sadder aspects of dynastic politics has always been the marrying off of princesses to foreign rulers in order to cement a bond between two royal houses. As young girls they were sent abroad with a small entourage to a strange country, where people spoke a language they did not understand, ate funny tasting food, worshipped incomprehensible gods and where they generally disappeared among a host of wives. The chance of their ever seeing their families again were slim; and contact with their loved ones was often restricted to a few letters and presents.
And as a gift for Kelu-Heba, my sister, one set of gold pins, one set of gold earrings, one gold idol, and one container of "sweet oil." I have sent her.
Tushratta, the king of Mitanni always mentioned his sister and later his daughter, married to the pharaoh, in his letters; but he was probably at least as much concerned about the political alliance the marriage was supposed to strengthen as about the girls' well-being.
May everything be well for you, for your house, for Tadu-Heba, my daughter, your wife whom you love.
Your houses, Tiye your mother, Lady of Egypt, Tadu-Heba, my daughter, your wife, your other wives, your sons, your noblemen, your chariots, your horses, your soldiers, your country and everything belonging to you, may they all enjoy excellent health.
The rulers of the Middle East, where skulduggery, treachery, and fratricide were not rare, must have mistrusted the effectiveness of a family relationship created by marriage despite their insistent declarations of amity and love:
To Napkhuria, king of Egypt, my brother, my son-in-law, who loves me and whom I love, thus speaks Tushratta, king of Mitanni, your father-in-law who loves you, your brother.
They rather relied on the fact that a contented naked man lying in bed was more easily swayed by one woman than a king in full state regalia sitting on a throne by an army of ambassadors.
The alliances formed by the various countries of the region changed over the decades. The outcome of the early New Kingdom conflict was an equilibrium between Egypt and Mitanni, which became a buffer state against Hatti and Assyria (ca.1420). After the murder of Tushratta (ca.1360), Mitanni was finally incorporated into Assyria (ca.1300) . Hatti's expansion was checked, and it became Egypt's major ally against Assyria (ca.1280), until it disappeared in the early 12th century BCE .
Under Thutmose III the Egyptians had achieved a position of political predominance in Canaan and southern Aram without having threatening forces stationed there permanently. Their military force and diplomatic clout were important to Artatama, king of Mitanni, and vital to Tushratta, his son, beset by enemies from within and without, though they could not save him or his country.
May it be well with you; with Kelu-Heba, my sister, may it be well; with your household, your wives, your sons, your nobles, your warriors, your horses, your chariots, and throughout your land may it be very well.
Letter from Tushratta to Amenhotep III
Economic interests guided the rulers of kingdoms outside the Egyptian sphere of influence, where Egypt could not interfere militarily. Egypt was the major producer of gold in the region, a metal not easily come by.
If you send me this summer [...] the gold concerning which I've written to you, I shall give you my daughter in marriage. Therefore, send gold, willingly, as much as you please. But if you do not send me gold [...] so I can achieve the task I have undertaken , why haven't you sent me any earlier willingly? After I have finished the task I have undertaken , why would I wish for gold? Even if you sent me 3000 talents of gold I would not accept them. I would return them and would not give you my daughter in marriage.
The position of the foreign princesses in Egypt
Daughters of minor rulers disappeared in the harem, where at times hundreds of wives lived; but princesses of important powers must have been given more prominent positions.
It seems that during the early New Kingdom, the Egyptians were more eager than the kings of Mitanni to conclude an alliance. Thutmose IV sent six requests before Artama I relented and gave him a daughter in marriage . Her name is unknown, as is her social position; but given the importance Thutmose appears to have attributed to this relationship, she could not have been neglected at court completely. It has been speculated that she was Mutemwiya, mother of Amenhotep III.
By the time Tushratta became king of Mitanni, Egypt's power was in the ascendancy. The Mitanni princesses Kelu Heba and Tadu Heba were married to Amenhotep III when the Great King's wife was Tiye . Akhenaten's Great King's Wife and possibly co-ruler was Nefertiti, which seems to have left Tadu Heba little scope in her second marriage as well.
The first Hattian princess Ramses II married and the only one known by name, Maat-Hor-Neferu-Re, was a daughter of Hattusili III. The marriage took place in the 34th year of the pharaoh's reign as part of the consolidation of the peace settlement concluded more than a decade earlier. She became Ramses' seventh Great King's Wife, succeeding Henutmire, his sister. It was part of the arrangement that she could receive Hattian emissaries freely.
After their daughter Nofrure had been born, the Hattian king responded that, if it had been a boy, he would have become his successor. Six years into her marriage she ceased being mentioned. The extent of her influence on Egyptian policies is not known. The Egyptian-Hattian relations remained close - it being in both country's interest to contain Assyria.
In his 44th year Ramses married a second Hattian princess. Later there was a third marriage to another one of Hattusili's daughters. About these very little is known.
No Egyptian princess seems to have been given in marriage to a foreign ruler. Maybe the Egyptians really believed that foreigners were not good enough or the princesses, more independent than their counterparts in other countries, would not agree to being pawns in the political chess game of the ancient Middle East?
How is it possible that, having written to you in order to ask for the hand of your daughter - oh my brother, you should have written me using such language, telling me that you will not give her to me as since earliest times no daughter of the king of Egypt has ever been given in marriage? Why are you telling me such things? You are the king. You may do as you wish. If you wanted to give me your daughter in marriage who could say you nay?
Ankhesenamen, widow of Tutankhamen, Queen Dakhamunzu to the Hattians , at any rate seems to have thought marriage to a foreign royal preferrable to a marriage with an Egyptian subordinate, or at least that is what she wants the Hattians to believe. In her letter to Suppiliuma, King of the Hattians, she relates:
My husband died. A son I have not. But to thee, they say, the sons are many. If thou wouldst give me one son of thine, he would become my husband. Never shall I pick out a servant of mine and make him my husband! ... I am afraid!"
From the Annals of Suppiluliuma as told by his son, Mursili II 
This may have been an attempt on Ankhesenamen's part to keep royal power to herself. A foreigner might have found it more difficult to reduce her influence than an Egyptian courtier would have.
Egyptians were as adept as anybody at finding reasons for changing ancient usages, if it suited their needs. On the whole they did not need to sacrifice their princesses. During the New Kingdom they were separated from any major enemy by a string of Canaanite client states, and even after these had escaped their tutelage during the decline of Egyptian power under the late 20th dynasty, there were always the deserts crossable only by a very determined army commander.
The contents of Egyptian-Hattian correspondence under Ramses II are varied. Among others, they deal with
The fate of Urhiteshub, the nephew and deposed predecessor of Hattusili, who was married to a Babylonian princess and who went into exile in Egypt, after he and his followers had been causing trouble in southern Asia-Minor and northern Aram,
the making and shipment of a silver tablet with the cuneiform text of the Egypto-Hattian peace treaty in the 21st year of the reign of Ramses II
the wish of Nefertari to visit her sister Puduhepa and King Hattusili
I burn to go to you with Ramses, my husband, to see the good state of peace your country enjoys
The marriage of Hattusili's daughter, whose Egyptian name was Maat-Hor-Neferu-Re, to Ramses II in the 34th year of his reign.
The Great King, the king of Egypt, son of Re, Ramses beloved of Amen, speaks thus.
Speak thus to the queen of the land of Hatti, the great Queen Puduhepa: Behold, I, your brother, am well. My houses, my sons, my armies, my horses, my chariots and everything in my lands, are very well. May you, my sister, be well! May your houses, your sons, your armies, your horses, your chariots, your nobles, and everything in your land be very well!
Speak thus to my sister: Behold! My messengers have reached me accompanied by my sister's messengers and have brought me news that my brother, the king of the land of Hatti, the Great King, is in good health...
Speak thus to my sister: The great King, the king of the land of Hatti, has written to me thus: Let the people come and pour sweet-smelling oil on my daughter's head and let her be taken to the house of the Great King, the king of Egypt, my brother. Behold! My brother has written thus to me. This decision my brother has made known to me is wonderful. The Sun God has approved of him. The Weather God has approved of him. And the gods of Egypt and the gods of Hatti have approved of him for making this excellent decision to unite two great lands forever...
Extracts from a letter sent by Ramses II to Queen Puduhepa
It had to be assured that she would become the main queen in the harem.
And you (gods) give her to the house of the king! And she will be the ruling (queen) of the Egyptians, and would not be prevented from receiving her father's messengers. The giving birth to a daughter by her is mentioned, upon which the Hattian king responded, that the birth of a boy would have secured the rule over the Hattian empire.
There is also evidence in the correspondence of a second marriage of Ramses II with a daughter of Hattusili, so far only known from hieroglyphic sources.
Many letters mention gifts such as golden beakers presented by Ramses II, gold necklaces and linen cloth from Queen Naptera (Nefertari)
... See, I have sent you a gift, in order to greet you, my sister... for your neck (a necklace) of pure gold, composed of 12 bands and weighing 88 shekels (8*88=704 gr.), coloured linen maklalu-material, for one royal dress for the king... A total of 12 linen garments.
And Egyptian doctors (i.a. Pariamahu) and medicines sent by Ramses to the Hattian king, in connection with an eye-disease. The delivery of two sea-going vessels to the Hattians in order to reproduce these.
About one fifth of extant correspondence is from the Hattian royal family itself, since they have never been sent. The oldest letter, in Akkadian, is that of Tutankhamun's widow Ankhesenamen to the Hattian king Suppiluliuma, proposing an alliance by marriage between the two kingdoms
Letter from Egyptian King Ramses II to Hattian Queen Puduhepa
Hattian Empire, 13th century B.C.
Baked clay. h: 17.5 cm. w:10.9 cm. th: 3.8 cm.
Ankara Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, 14265
45 lines on front face of tablet, 34 on back. Cracked in places, with pieces missing. This tablet, together with A 139 and other correspondence found at Boğazköy between Ramses II and either Hattusili III or Queen Puduhepa, give information about the plans to send their daughter Hattian princess as a wife for Ramses II and a queen for Egypt. Despite all these texts and the information from Egyptian sources, however, it is not known for certain that such a princess did in fact reign in the Egyptian palace. The princess was to be sent with gifts and accompanied by couriers, and was to be met by Egyptian representatives who would accompany her to Egypt. The text opens as follows:
The king of Egypt, the Great King, the son of the Sun, beloved of the God Amon, the First Great king, the king of the land of Egypt, will speak thus to the Great Queen Puduhepa of the Hatti land, my sister: Look! Ramses, beloved of the God Amon, the Great King of the land of Egypt, is well. His houses, his sons, his armies, his horses, his chariots and the things in his country are (also) very well. May you, Great Queen of the Hatti land, my sister, also be well!! May your houses, sons, horses, chariots and the things in your country (also) be well!! Here, Ramses II addressing Queen Puduhepa as ‘Great Queen’ and ‘my sister’, says that her decision to give her daughter is also approved by the gods, and he entreats the gods thus:...” And you (gods) give her to the house of the king! And she will be the ruling (queen) of the Egyptians...
Letter from Egyptian King Ramses II to Hattian Queen Puduhepa
Hattie Empire, 13th century B.C.
Ankara. Museum of Anatolian Civilizations, 136-1-88
27 lines on front face, 4 on back. Tablet dark grey in colour, restored from two pieces. Although Queen Puduhepa, the wife of the Hattian King Hattusili III, played a very important role in diplomatic correspondence between the Egyptian and Hattian states, only a single letter is known written by Queen Naptera, wife of Ramses II. The contents of this letter are as follows:
The great Queen Naptera of the land of Egypt speaks thus: Speak to my sister Puduhepa, the Great Queen of the Hatti land. I, your sister, (also) be well!! May your country be well. Now, I have learned that you, my sister, have written to me asking after my health. You have written to me asking after my health. You have written to me because of the good friendship and brotherly relationship between your brother, the king of Egypt, The Great and the Storm God will bring about peace, and he will make the brotherly relationship between the Egptian king, the Great King, and his brother, the Hatti King, the Great King, last for ever... See, I have sent you a gift, in order to greet you, my sister... for your neck (a necklace) of pure gold, composed of 12 bands and weighing 88 shekels (8*88=704 gr.), coloured linen maklalu-material, for one royal dress for the king... A total of 12 linen garments.
THE GREAT QUEEN PUDUHEPA and THE GREAT KING HATTUŞILI III
The documents which give information about the 13th century Queen Puduhepa, wife of the Great King Hattuşili III (1275-1250 BC) are prolific. Her fascinating personality and strength of character are attested in numerous letters, prayers, sacrificial and ritual texts from Boğazköy and Ugarit. There also exist a number of official documents concerning the duties of Hattuşili III where Puduhepa’s name appears alongside that of her husband. Among the historical texts referring to his reign is the autobiographical Apology of Hattuşili III, in which he justifies his deposing of his nephew Urhi-Tesup, and which opens with the words of the great King Hattuşili and the Great Queen Puduhepa.
(Relief found in Fraktin)
On his return from campaign against Egypt, where he had assisted his brother Muvatalli at the Battle of Kadeş in 1275/4 BC. Hattuşili arrives at the city of Lavazantiya in Kumanni with the purpose of making the customary sacrifies to his protective goddess Iştar. There, on the instructions of the goddess, he marries Puduhepa, the daughter of Pentipşarri, priest of Iştar. The goddess bestows on them the love of a husband and wife, and they have sons and daughters.
Another version of Hattuşili’s autobiography contains more detailed and interesting information concerning this marriage. Here, not only is Puduhepa the daughter of a priest, but she is also referred to as a handmaiden of Iştar in the city of Lavazantiya, i.e. a priestess. It is also stated that Hattuşili did not take Puduhepa as a result of his own desire, but married her at the command of Iştar, who appeared to him in a dream.
So Hattuşili, before he was king, and probably not very young, married a noble girl from a family of high priests in Kumanni. The family of only two Hattian queens is known for certain. One of these is Tavananna (III), the third wife of Şuppiluliuma l, who was the daughter of a Babylonian king. The second is Puduhepa. In the introduction of a votive dedication to the goddess Lelvani, composed some time after she had become queen, probably during her most powerful period. Puduhepa refers to herself as Puduhepa, the daughter of the city of Kumanni. Puduhepa, like almost all of the queens of the Hattian Empire, bore a typical Hurrian name, in accordance with the land of her birth.
The names of some of the children of Hattuşili and Puduhepa are known. Their eldest son was Tuthaliya lV, who succeeded to the throne on his father’s death. Another son was Nerikkaili, who married the daughter of Bentesina, king of Amurru. One daughter, Gaşşulaviya, was married off to Benteşina on condition that she became queen.
Besides the children of Hattuşili by Puduhepa, documents also refer to the existence in the palace of other children of the king. In a letter, Puduhepa writes: ...The daughters of the king whom I discovered when I came to the palace gave birth with my assistance, and I raised their children. I also raised the children who had already been born and I made them commanders in the army. Hattuşili’s son Nerikkaili and his daughter Gaşşulaviya, who became son-in-low and wife of the neighbouring king of Amuru, appear not to have been the children of Puduhepa, and must have been born to a previous wife of Hattuşili.
Written sources attest that Puduhepa was the mother both of the daughters sent as brides to Ramses II of Egypt, and of Hattuşili’s successor Tuthaliya IV. Egyptian sources refer to one of these daugters by the Egyptian name of Mahornefrure or Manefrure. According to Egyptian temple inscriptions, Ramses married this princess in the thirty forth year of his reign, and she became a member of his harem. Correspondence between the Hattian and Egyptian rulers discuss at great length this marriage arrangement and dowry of the princess, from which it can be seen that Puduhepa was personally involved in arranging royal marriages for her children.
The reign of the Great Queen Puduhepa is so well documented that it is clear that she played a very active and successful role in affairs of state, in political, legal and religious matters alike, performing her duties alongside and on an equal footing with her husband, as well as independently. It is unfortunate that the version of the famous Treaty of Kadeş written on a silver tablet has not survived. On one face of this tablet was the stamp of the Great King Hattuşili III, and on the other face was the stamp of the Great Queen Puduhepa.
The letters concerning the political marriages, or plans for marriage, between the Hattian and Egyptian dynasties are particularly important in revealing the independent part played by Puduhepa in diplomatic affairs. As many as 15 letters were received by Puduhepa. Those sent by Ramses ll are identical to those he sent to Hattuşili, showing that the Egyptian king himself accorded an equal status to the queen and the Great King. Possibly this was one of the rules of politics dictated by the state laws of the period. The style of the letters from Ramses II is very striking. The tone is quite formal, and importance is given to the use of long and polite formulae. In one of his letters, Ramses addresses Puduhepa as my sister, and mentions the comfortable state of the land of Egypt and his own good health. Then he expresses his wish to the queen that she should also posses the same favourable circumstances as he himself does.
Among the letters received by Puduhepa are diplomatic letters from Egyptian queens, which seem insignificant in comparison with her other correspondence. Only one letter is known from Ramses II’s wife Naptera/Nobretari, and another from his mother Tuya. In this light, the letter sent by the Egyptian pharaoh Tutenkamen’s young widow to Şuppiluliuma I, requesting one of his sons as a husband, is unique.
Puduhepa also sent a letter personally to Ramses II, concerning the plans to marry her daughter to the king of Egypt. These documents manifest the significant and active involvement of Puduhepa in foreign policy and in the arrangements for diplomatic marriages with the aim of creating international peace. This is a situation which does not apply to all Hattian queens, although it seems that a queen was required to posses the personality and strength of character to be able to wield independently her official authority. The official status of a queen according to the Hattian constitution, however, is not completely certain. Equality between a king and queen in international politics is indicated by the royal correspondence, and the use of personal seals of queens to ratify agreements indicates that queens made decision in their own names. No other queen, however, illustrates these conditions as well as Puduhepa.
There are no documents which explain the social activities Puduhepa performed alongside her political duties and functions. With the Hattians, however, as with the whole of the Near Eastern world, the royal social functions were closely related to religion and cults, and some ritual texts show that Puduhepa was in charge of the activities associated with the cults. This subject will be touched on below in a discussion of the queen’s involvement in the sphere of religion.
Among the documents which demonstrate the active independent role played by Puduhepa in judicial affairs, there is a group of texts, referred to in judicial affairs, there is a group of texts, referred to in Hattian literature as the Ukkura Affair, which record the minutes of court proceedings.
One interesting document of this type, more specifically appertaining to the international shipping laws of the time, was discovered during excavations of the ancient city of Ugarit. The text, written in Akkadian, concerns the case of an Ugarit ship which had sunk outside the limits of its own waters. On the front face is the seal impression of Puduhepa. It is understood that the decision of the inquiry was made in the name of the Hattian king, most probably Tuthaliya IV when he was too young to assume control of his responsibilities and the reins of power were in the hands of his mother Puduhepa.
The same situation occurred if a king was absent because of religious duties (cult tours etc.) or on campaign, when legal documents were endorsed by the queen’s seal. The tablet under discussion is Hattian, and the sailor mentioned in the document is a subject of the Great Hattian Kingdom. The minutes of the inquiry are written in epistolary style.
’My sun writes thus to Ammiştamru: When the man from Ugarit and Şukku came to trial in the presence of My Sun. Şukku spoke in this way: ’His ship broke up against the quay’, but the man from Ugarit said : ‘No, Şukku forcefully broke my ship on purpose’. My Majesty gave the following verdict: ‘Let the head of the Ugarit sailors swear on oath; then Şukku will pay for the ship and the goods on it.’
This verdict of compensation was issued in the name of the justice of the Hattian king and stamped by Puduhepa on behalf of her son. The person liable for reparation, who had been found guilty of causing the damage to the ship, was Şukku, a citizen of the Hattian Kingdom. The name of the person awarded damages is not mentioned; he is referred to only as the head of the Ugarit sailors and was probably a ship-owner or merchant of the city of Ugarit.
A number of interesting documents show that the great and powerful Queen Puduhepa also had political influence on the small kingdoms which were subject to the Hattian state. The peace between Egypt and the Hattians also improved the relationship between Egypt and the small vassal states of the Hattian Kingdom. During the reign of Ramses II King Niqmadu II of Ugarit, a city dependent on Hatti, made a peace treaty with Egypt at the request of Puduhepa.
Joint seal impressions of Puduhepa and Hattuşili III have been found at the Hattian capital of Hattuşa (Boğazköy) and at Ugarit (Ras Şamra in northern Syria). At first glance it can be seen that these are stylistically different from those of other kings, the writing and motifs characterized by plasticity. At the top of the circular seal is a winged sun disc. The disc shaped like a petalled rosette and standing unattached from the wing on either side. The plastic form is seen especially with the signs which represent the queen, the volute symbolizing Great and the female head symbolizing Queen. The head symbol is worked realistically in the manner of a relief statue, and the smallest details are picked out on the disc-shaped head-dress and fine veil which hangs to the neck.
Four independent seal impressions belonging to Puduhepa have been discovered, one at Tarsus, one at Ugarit and two at Boğazköy. The plastic style is even more evident with these than with the joint seals. The composition of the motifs and signs is symmetrical and decorative, and these had been carved deeply into the surface of the seal, emphasizing the plasticity of the relief impression on the bullae. The name and title of the queen are given in pictographic signs (Hieroglyphic Hattian) in the field at the centre of the seal, and this is ringed by a cuneiform legend, although the legends of two of Puduhepa’s seal impressions are damaged.
In the field, at both left and right, appears a small female head with a disc-shaped head-dress, symbolizing Queen, on top of whish is the volute which symbolizes Great. Thus, the title SAL.LUGAL.GAL (great Queen) is written on both sides. In the upper part of the field is the winged sun disc. The sign for the title My Sun (My Majesty), symbolizing royalty. Down the centre of the field, below the sun disc and between the two female heads, are the four signs of the queen’s name: Pu-tu-he-pa. The cuneiform legend around a royal seal generally gives the name, titles and ancestry of the rulers.
Among the finds from excavations at Boğazköy and Ras Şamra are clay tablets and bullae which bear the joint seal impressions of Puduhepa and Hattuşili III. Also from Ugarit (Ras Şamra) is a seal impression of Puduhepa’s son Tuthaliya IV which displays an unusual composition and plastic style. In the cuneiform legend around the field, the king is styled son of Hattuşili and Puduhepa, indicating that Tuthaliya was not content with giving merely the name of his father, but also wanted to record the name of his mother. This is the only known example of a royal seal which specifies the name of the king’s mother. No joint seals have been discovered as yet of Tuthalia IV with another queen.
Besides these examples of seal impressions on clay bullae or tablets, the personal seal of Puduhepa on one face of the silver plaque which originally recorded the Treaty of Kadeş is also known, from Egyptian sources.
All of these documents, in particular the independent seals which bear the queen’s name, provide the clearest proof of the equal status of the Hattian queens with the kings and the independent position of the queen. Despite the fact that Puduhepa bears the official titles of rule, it is notable that she is not represented by the title Tavananna. Nor is her husband Hattuşili referred to as Tabarna on either written documents or on seals.
The publication of ritual texts has enabled us to appreciate the Hattian queen’s role in important religious activities and sacred rites. The queen took her place as chief priestess, alongside the king who was chief priest of the Hatti lands. The documents in which the religious duties of the Hattian queens are mentioned are known collectively as Descriptions of Festivals. They show that the queen was responsible for conducting numerous religious ceremonies, either together with her husband or independently.
When it is recalled that there was a female deity at the head of the Hattian pantheon, the Sun Goddess of the city of Arinna (the Hurrian Hepatu), the involvement of the Hattian queens in the ceremonies is recorded not only written texts, but also on rock reliefs. One of the most important of these is that Fraktin in Cappadocia: other examples are those of Alacahöyük and Aslantepe (Malatya). It is known from the descriptions of the rituals that the king and queen wore special garments during the ceremonies (H. anniyat-/KIN-att). They are also shown dressed in these special ceremonial costumes on the rock reliefs. On the Fraktin rock relief, Puduhepa is depicted clothed from head to foot in her priestess’ robes, pouring a libation to the goddess Hepatu. This relief is the only certain archaeological evidence of a scene showing Puduhepa pouring a libation to Hepatu.
The name of Iştar, goddess of the city of Lavazantiya and protecting deity of Puduhepa, occurs frequently in documents of Hattuşili III. The signs which denote the Hattian Goddess Iştar distinguish her from the Mesopotamian Iştar (goddess of love). The Hurrian name of this goddess was Şauşga, and she was brought by the Hurrians to Anatolia and integrated into Hattian culture with the local deities. The Iştar of Lavazantiya was not a goddess of love, but in fact had warrior characteristics, which suited the serious temperament of Puduhepa. The protecting deity of Hattuşili was Iştar of the city of Şamuha, who had the same male characteristics and attributes of a warrior-god.
After Hattuşili III had deposed his nephew Urhi-Teşup and appointed himself king, the royal couple had prayers composed which open with an invocation to the Sun Goddess of Arinna, the chief goddess of the pantheon, and go on to thank her for her favour. The prayer begins as follows:
O Sun Goddess of the city of Arinna,
my lady, mistress of our lands.
Queen of Heaven and earth,
mistress of the kings and queens of the land of Hatti.
This Proto-Hattian, native Anatolian principal deity of the Hattians entered the official pantheon together with her family. Written sources and rock monuments (in particular the open-air sanctuary at Yazılıkaya) of the 13th century BC show that the Hurrian gods had become members of the Hattian pantheon and taken the most important positions, probably as a result of the influence of Puduhepa. The principal Hurrian goddess Hepatu was identified with the Sun Goddess of Arinna. Hepatu was the protecting deity of the Hattian state and its armies, at the same time possessing the characteristics of a mother-goddess.
The Hattian expression a thousand gods of the land of Hatti illustrates the magnitude of the Hattian pantheon. Within this sizeable realm of deities, the goddesses held special importance. Each deity, from the chief pair to the gods of springs and mountains, was the focus of a cult, with the result that the official and royal calendar was pretty much taken up with duties related to these cults. In the lavish ceremonies of the state cult the queen took her place as chief priestess beside her husband.
It is notable that protecting goddesses of both Hattuşili III and Puduhepa had the characteristics of a battle goddess. The goddess to whom Puduhepa promises offerings when she is requesting that her beloved husband (the life of my Sun) be protected from ill health, however, is Lalvani, who was a infernal goddess, associated with the underworld (there is no definite evidence to support E. Laroche’s theory that Lelvani was identified with Iştar of Şamuha).
But what is known about Puduhepa as a woman, and of her feelings? Unfortunately, no personal documents belonging to Hattian women are known, and so nothing is known about the private life of Puduhepa. A little light is thrown on the question of her feelings in the texts which mention the vows made to Lelvani by the Great Queen Puduhepa, daughter of the city of Kumanni and the dreams of the queen.
There is no doubt whatsoever that Puduhepa was a loyal wife to her husband, and regarded him with devotion and respect. The king himself writes about his childhood, when he suffered from bad health and the worries of being close to death. After pledging himself to Iştar of –amuha whilst he was still young, his health recovered and he developed into a strong young man. Despite this, however, it appears that his ill health must have returned when he became older. The prayers made and the offerings promised to the gods for the continued good health of the Sun (king) and a long life reflect the deep love and devotion of Puduhepa towards her husband and her fear of losing him at any moment.
The most well-known and well-studied of this kind of document comprises the vows made to Lelvani, infernal goddess of the Underworld. In these documents, Puduhepa promises various kinds of offerings in return for a long life full of good health for the king. The kind of offerings promised include gold and silver goblets, vessels and drinking horns, gold images of the god, statues or busts of the king, and sometimes living things such as herds of animals, and NAM.RAS (civil prisoners/deportees) as cult personnel.
One of the most interesting aspects of Queen Puduhepa’s votive texts is that the family members in the service of the cult of the goddess Lelvani are mentioned individually by name. Thus, it is possible to distinguish two groups among the temple personnel-young girls and boys, and widows with children, referred to as ut/dati. Puduhepa involved herself in the family lives of these people, arranging marriages for the young girls and assigning the upbringing of the orphan children to the supervision of relatives.
The women referred to as SAL udati, who served the temple of the goddess along with their children, are given an important place in the text. The duties of these women comprised the production of dairy products. The temple personnel also included males who are referred to as NAM.RA. These men worked for the temple economy, performing various tasks such as planting fruit trees and working in a capacity as bakers and dairymen. The personnel were recruited annually, to replace those who had died, and a census record was kept. These procedures can be traced in the texts over a period of five years.
All procedures connected with the temple of Lelvani were related to the purpose of helping to provide the king with a healthy and long life, and were very probably performed in the city of Kumanni. Puduhepa’s organizing of the temple personnel, the recruiting when necessary, the duties performed, and the arrangements for the annual sacrifices are all recorded. These texts, then, of which there exist a number of versions, are not only of a religious nature, but they are also administrative documents which give information about the socio-economic organization connected to the cult, and they reveal the economic importance of the temple in the 13th century BC.
It is also known that Puduhepa had a series of religious documents rewritten, as well issuing orders that scattered texts be collected and organized. These were the texts related to the ceremonies of the hişuvaş or işuvaş festival. The tablets record that the queen reorganized the ceremonies and the cult.
Despite the abundance of documentary evidence for this period, however, it is known when or how either King Hattuşili III or Queen Puduhepa died. Nor has the tomb of the couple yet been discovered among the wealth of architectural structures at Hattuşa.