and Albino lies.
National Park Service (NPS), U.S. Department of the Interior
Report on the Osteological Assessment of the "Kennewick Man" Skeleton
Joseph F. Powell and Jerome C. Rose, March 1, 1999
The Kennewick skeleton is a male who died between 45 and 50 years of age. He was approximately 175 cm (5' 9") tall, based on an average of all stature estimates. The geologically correlated age for the skeleton is 6700-9000 yr. B.P. Like other early American skeletons, the Kennewick remains exhibit a number of morphological features that are not found in modern populations. For all craniometric dimensions, the typicality probabilities of membership in modern populations were zero, indicating that Kennewick is unlike any of the reference samples used. Even when the least-conservative inter-individual distances are used to construct typicality probabilities, Kennewick has a low probability of membership in any of the late Holocene reference samples. Similar results were obtained by Ozolins et al. (1997) for Upper Paleolithic samples from Asia, Africa, and Europe and Paleoindian groups, and are not surprising considering that Kennewick is separated by roughly 8,000 years from most of the reference samples in Howells (1989) and Hanihara (1996). The most craniometrically similar samples appeared to be those from the south Pacific and Polynesia as well as the Ainu of Japan, a pattern observed in other studies of early American crania from North and South America (Steele and Powell 1992, 1994; Jantz and Owsley 1997). Thus Kennewick appears to have strongest morphological affinities with populations in Polynesia and southern Asia, and not with American Indians or Europeans in the reference samples. Powell also said that dental analysis showed the skull had a 94% chance of being of the Sundadont group, like the Jomon, Ainu, Australians, and Polynesians.
Note: the common use of the Ainu of Japan as a comparison people is an Albino ruse designed to obfuscate and confuse the ignorant. The Ainu have been cross-breeding with the Japanese for over 2,300 years, they are mulattoes, what scientific use could they possibly have? Though ancient "Silk Scrolls" clearly show us that the ancient Ainu were a Black people, because of admixture, today, some look like Black mulattoes, some look like Mongol mulattoes, some even look White - no doubt that is why the Albinos like to use them.
This is the Ainu Wiki:
The Ainu and in historical Japanese texts Ezo/Emishi/Ebisu or Aino are an indigenous people of Japan (Hokkaido, northeastern Honshu) and Russia (Sakhalin and the Kuril Islands). Historically, they spoke Ainu and related varieties, though today very few can do so. Most of those who identify themselves as Ainu still live in this same region, though the exact number of living Ainu is unknown. This is due to confusion over mixed heritages and to ethnic issues in Japan resulting in those with Ainu backgrounds hiding their identities. Intermarriage with Japanese has blurred the concept of a pure Ainu ethnic group. Official estimates of the population are of around 25,000, while the unofficial number is upward of 200,000 people. Of course this is only a small example of Albino lies, more follow.
Note: Polynesian is a term that the Albino people have applied to Pacificans/Austronesians who have significant "White Mongol/European" admixture. They reserve the term Melanesian for the original "Pure Black" Pacificans/Austronesians who have resisted admixture.
Quote: This clay facial reconstruction of Kennewick Man was carefully sculpted around the morphological features of his skull, and lends a deeper understanding of what he may have looked like nearly 9,000 years ago.
So what about the other reconstruction in the previous photograph, which looks nothing like this reconstruction, who does that one look like? Albino lies!
The Chatham Islands form an archipelago in the Pacific Ocean about 680 kilometres (420 mi) southeast of mainland New Zealand. It consists of about ten islands within a 40-kilometre (25 mi) radius, the largest of which are Chatham Island and Pitt Island.
Moriori are the indigenous people of the Chatham Islands. These people lived by a code of non-violence and passive resistance (see Nunuku-whenua), which made it easier for Taranaki Maori invaders to nearly exterminate them in the 1830s. During the early 20th century it was commonly, but erroneously, believed that the Moriori were pre-Maori settlers of New Zealand, linguistically and genetically different from the Maori, and possibly Melanesian (Black) . This story, incorporated into Stephenson Percy Smith's "Great Fleet" hypothesis, was widely believed during the early 20th century. However the hypothesis was not always accepted.
By the late 20th century the hypothesis that the Moriori were different from the Maori had fallen out of favour amongst archeologists, who believed that the Moriori were Maori who settled on the Chatham Islands in the 16th century. The earlier hypothesis was discredited in the 1960s and 1970s. The Moriori are culturally Polynesian. They developed a distinct Moriori culture in the Chatham Islands as they adapted to local conditions. Although speculation once suggested that they settled the Chatham Islands directly from the tropical Polynesian islands, or even that they were Melanesian in origin, current research indicates that ancestral Moriori were Maori Polynesians who emigrated to the Chatham Islands from New Zealand before 1500. Evidence supporting this theory comes from the characteristics that the Moriori language has in common with the dialect of Maori spoken by the Ngai Tahu tribe of the South Island, and comparisons of the genealogies of Moriori ("hokopapa") and Maori ("whakapapa").
The first human habitation of the Chathams was by migrating Polynesian tribes who settled the islands about 1500 CE, and in their isolation became the Moriori. The belief as to their origins was overturned late in the 20th century. The former belief, which arose in the 1800s, was that the original Moriori migrated directly from more northerly Polynesian islands, just as with the settlement of New Zealand by the ancestors of the Maori. However, linguistic research indicates instead that the ancestral Moriori were Maori wanderers from New Zealand.
The name "Chatham Islands" comes from the ship HMS Chatham of the Vancouver Expedition, whose captain William R. Broughton landed on 29 November 1791, claimed possession for Great Britain and named the islands after the First Lord of the Admiralty, John Pitt, 2nd Earl of Chatham. It is estimated that 10 to 20 percent of the indigenous Moriori soon died from diseases introduced by foreigners.
Maori conquest and genocide
On 19 November 1835 and later in 5 December, about 900 Maori armed with guns, clubs and axes arrived on the brig Lord Rodney. The first mate of the ship had been kidnapped and threatened with death unless the captain took the invaders on board. The Maori included men, women and children, along with 78 tonne of seed potato, 20 pigs and 7 waka. The Maori came from two tribes, Ngati Tama and Ngati Mutunga. Initially they were cared for by the local Moriori. When it became clear they intended to stay the Moriori withdrew to their marae at Te Awapatiki. The Moriori debated what to do about the Taranaki Maori invaders. They decided to implement their policy of non-aggression. After this hui (consultation) the invaders began to takahi, or walk the land, to lay claim to it. They proceeded to ritually massacre about 300 Moriori, who are thought to have totalled about 2,000, cannibalise the dead and enslave the survivors. A Moriori survivor recalled: "[The Maori] commenced to kill us like sheep.... [We] were terrified, fled to the bush, concealed ourselves in holes underground, and in any place to escape our enemies. It was of no avail; we were discovered and killed – men, women and children indiscriminately". A Maori conqueror justified their actions as follows: "We took possession... in accordance with our custom and we caught all the people. Not one escaped. Some ran away from us, these we killed, and others we killed-but what of that? It was in accordance with our custom."
Ernst Dieffenbach, who visited the Chathams on a New Zealand Company ship in 1840, reported that the Moriori were the virtual slaves of Maori and were severely mistreated, with death a blessing. By the time the slaves were released in 1862 only 160 remained, 10% of the 1835 population. After the invasion, Moriori were forbidden to marry Moriori, or to have children with each other. All became slaves of the invaders until the 1860s. Many died in despair. Many Moriori women had children by their Maori masters.
A number of Moriori women eventually married either Maori or European men. Some were taken from the Chathams and never returned. In 1840 Ngati Mutunga decided to attack Ngati Tama at their pa. They built a high staging next to the pa so they could fire down on their former allies.
Fighting was still in progress when the New Zealand Company ship Cuba arrived with the idea of buying land for settlement. The Treaty of Waitangi, at that stage, did not apply to the islands. The company negotiated a truce between the two warring tribes. In 1841 the New Zealand Company had proposed to establish a German colony on the Chathams. The proposal was discussed by the directors and John Ward signed an agreement with Karl Sieveking of Hamburg on 12 September 1841. However when the Colonial Office said that the islands were to be part of the colony of New Zealand and any Germans settling there would be treated as aliens, Joseph Somes claimed that Ward had been acting on his own initiative. The proposed leader John Beit and the expedition went to Nelson instead.
The company was then able to purchase large areas of land at Whangaroa and Waitangi from Ngati Mutanga and also large areas of land from Ngati Tama. This did not stop Ngati Mutunga from trying to get revenge for the death of one of their chiefs. They were satisfied after they killed the brother of a Ngati Tama chief. The tribes agreed to an uneasy peace which was finally conformed in 1842.
An all-male group of German Lutheran missionaries arrived in 1843. After a group of women were sent out to join them three years later several marriages ensued, and many members of the present-day population can trace their ancestry back to the missionary families.
In 1865 the Maori leader Te Kooti was exiled on the Chatham Islands along with a large group of Maori rebels called Hau Hau, who had murdered missionaries and fought against government forces, mainly on the East Coast of the North Island of New Zealand. The rebel prisoners were paid one shilling a day to work on sheep farms owned by the few European settlers. Sometimes they worked on road and track improvements. They were initially guarded by 26 guards half of whom were Maori. They lived in whare along with their families. The prisoners helped build a redoubt of stone surrounded by a ditch and wall. Later they built 3 stone prison cells.
Present day conditions
The Moriori community is organised as the Hokotehi Moriori Trust. The Moriori have received recognition from the Crown and the New Zealand government and some of their claims against those institutions for the generations of neglect and oppression have been accepted and acted on. Moriori are recognised as the original people of Rekohu. The Crown also recognised the Maori tribe: Ngati Mutunga as having indigenous status in the Chathams by right of 160-odd years of occupation. The population of the islands is 650, including members of both ethnic groups. In January 2005 the Moriori celebrated the opening of the new Kopinga Marae (meeting house).
Modern descendants of the 1835 Maori conquerors claimed a share in ancestral Maori fishing rights. This claim was granted. Now that the primordial population, the Moriori, have been recognised to be former Maori—over the objections of some of the Ngati Mutunga—they too share in the ancestral Maori fishing rights. Both groups have been granted fishing quotas.
Chatham and Pitt Islands are inhabited, with 600 residents in the 2013 Census. The town of Waitangi is the main settlement with some 200 residents. There are other villages such as Owenga, Te One and Kaingaroa, where there are two primary schools. A third school is on Pitt Island. There are also the fishing villages of Owenga and Port Hutt. The population is mainly of European, Maori and Moriori background; 59% said they identified as Maori (which includes Moriori), and around 77% identified as European or New Zealander.
Quote: As work progressed, a portrait of Kennewick Man emerged. He does not belong to any living human population. Who, then, are his closest living relatives? Judging from the shape of his skull and bones, his closest living relatives appear to be the Moriori people of the Chatham Islands, a remote archipelago 420 miles southeast of New Zealand, as well as the mysterious Ainu people of Japan.
Not that Kennewick Man himself was Polynesian. This is not Kon-Tiki in reverse; humans had not reached the Pacific Islands in his time period. Rather, he was descended from the same group of people who would later spread out over the Pacific and give rise to modern-day Polynesians. These people were maritime hunter-gatherers of the north Pacific coast; among them were the ancient Jōmon, the original inhabitants of the Japanese Islands. The present-day Ainu people of Japan are thought to be descendants of the Jōmon.
Smithsonian continued: Jōmon culture first arose in Japan at least 12,000 years ago and perhaps as early as 16,000 years ago, when the landmasses were still connected to the mainland. These seafarers built boats out of sewn planks of wood. Outstanding mariners and deep-water fishermen, they were among the first people to make fired pottery. The discovery of Kennewick Man adds a major piece of evidence to an alternative view of the peopling of North America. It, along with other evidence, suggests that the Jōmon or related peoples were the original settlers of the New World. If correct, the conclusion upends the traditional view that the first Americans came through central Asia and walked across the Bering Land Bridge and down through an ice-free corridor into North America.
Sometime around 15,000 years ago, the new theory goes, coastal Asian groups began working their way along the shoreline of ancient Beringia—the sea was much lower then—from Japan and Kamchatka Peninsula to Alaska and beyond. This is not as crazy a journey as it sounds. As long as the voyagers were hugging the coast, they would have plenty of fresh water and food. Cold-climate coasts furnish a variety of animals, from seals and birds to fish and shellfish, as well as driftwood, to make fires. The thousands of islands and their inlets would have provided security and shelter. To show that such a sea journey was possible, in 1999 and 2000 an American named Jon Turk paddled a kayak from Japan to Alaska following the route of the presumed Jōmon migration. Anthropologists have nicknamed this route the “Kelp Highway.”
“I believe these Asian coastal migrations were the first,” said Owsley. “Then you’ve got a later wave of the people who give rise to Indians as we know them today.”
What became of those pioneers, Kennewick Man’s ancestors and companions? They were genetically swamped by much larger—and later—waves of travelers from Asia and disappeared as a physically distinct people, Owsley says. These later waves may have interbred with the first settlers, diluting their genetic legacy. A trace of their DNA still can be detected in some Native American groups, though the signal is too weak to label the Native Americans “descendants.”
Whether this new account of the peopling of North America will stand up as more evidence comes in is not yet known. The bones of a 13,000-year-old teenage girl recently discovered in an underwater cave in Mexico, for example, are adding to the discussion. James Chatters, the first archaeologist to study Kennewick and a participant in the full analysis, reported earlier this year, along with colleagues, that the girl’s skull appears to have features in common with that of Kennewick Man and other Paleo-Americans, but she also possesses specific DNA signatures suggesting she shares female ancestry with Native Americans.
By around 40,000 B.C. glaciation had connected the Japanese islands with the Asian mainland. Based on archaeological evidence, between 35,000 B.C. and 30,000 B.C, these Homo sapiens- sapiens had migrated to the Japanese islands from eastern and southeastern Asia. There they had well-established patterns of hunting and gathering and stone tool making. Stone tools, inhabitation sites, and human fossils from this period have been found throughout all the islands of Japan.
Two ancient Japanese cultures evolved from these early settlers, the Jomon and the Ainu. The Jomon culture, which encompasses a great expanse of time, constitutes Japan's Neolithic period. Its name is derived from the "cord markings" that characterize the ceramics made during this time. The early Jomon people were semi-sedentary, living mostly in pit dwellings arranged around central open spaces, and obtained their food by gathering, fishing, and hunting.
Sinodonty and Sundadonty are two patterns of features widely found in the dentitions of different populations in East Asia. These two patterns were identified by anthropologist Christy Turner as being within the greater "Mongoloid dental complex". Sundadonty is regarded as having a more generalised, Australoid morphology and having a longer ancestry than its offspring, Sinodonty.
The combining forms Sino- and Sunda- refer to China and Sundaland, respectively, while -dont refers to teeth. Turner found the Sundadont pattern in the skeletal remains of Jōmon people of Japan, and in living populations of Taiwanese aborigines, Filipinos, Indonesians, Thais, Borneans, Laotians, and Malaysians (All of whom are Blacks - see the "Ancient Americas cultural and Racial Affinities with Africa" section).
By contrast, he found the Sinodont pattern in the Han Chinese, in the inhabitants of Mongolia and eastern Siberia, in the Native Americans, and in the Yayoi people of Japan.
Sinodonty is a particular pattern of teeth characterized by the following features: The upper first two incisors are not aligned with the other teeth, but are rotated a few degrees inward and are shovel-shaped. The upper first premolar has one root (whereas the upper first premolar in Caucasians normally has two roots), and the lower first molar in Sinodonts has three roots (whereas it has two roots in Caucasoid teeth).
The Colville tribe is a Native American tribe of the Pacific Northwest. The name Colville comes from association with Fort Colville, named after Andrew Colvile of the Hudson's Bay Company. Earlier, outsiders often named the Colville Scheulpi or Chualpay; the French traders called them Les Chaudières ("the Kettles") in reference to Kettle Falls.
The tribe was originally located in eastern Washington on the Colville River and the area of the Columbia River between Kettle Falls and the town of Hunters. The tribe's history is tied with Kettle Falls, an important salmon fishing resource, and an important post of the Hudson's Bay Company, which brought the advantages and disadvantages of contact with people of European heritage. In 1846, the Jesuit St. Paul's Mission was established. Through its influence nearly all the upper Columbia tribes were Christianized. In 1872, the Colville tribe was relocated to the Colville Indian Reservation, an Indian reservation in eastern Washington, inhabited and managed by the Confederated Tribes of the Colville Reservation, which is a federally recognized tribe comprising twelve bands. The twelve bands are the Methow, Okanogan, Arrow Lakes, Sanpoil, Colville, Nespelem, Chelan, Entiat, Moses-Columbia, Wenatchi, Nez Perce, and Palus.
Mtdna = X2a, Y-dna = Q-M3
Quote: When we compare Kennewick Man with the worldwide panel of populations, a clear genetic similarity to Native Americans is observed both in principal components analysis (PCA) and using f3-outgroup statistics (Fig. 1a, b). In particular, we can reject the hypothesis that Kennewick Man is more closely related to Ainu or Polynesians than he is to Native Americans, as seen in a D-statistic-based test where no trees of the type ((CHB,Ainu/Polynesian),(X,Karitiana)) with X being Kennewick Man, the Clovis age Anzick-1 child (ref. 12) or a modern Native American genome are rejected (Extended Data Fig. 3). Model-based clustering using ADMIXTURE24 shows that Kennewick Man has ancestry proportions most similar to those of other Northern Native Americans (Fig. 1c and Supplementary Information 7), especially the Colville, Ojibwa, and Algonquin.
Considering the Americas only, f3-outgroup and D-statistic based analyses show that Kennewick Man, like the Anzick-1 child, shares a high degree of ancestry with Native Americans from Central and South America, and that Kennewick Man also groups with geographically close tribes including the Colville (Fig. 2a, b and Extended Data Fig. 4). Despite this similarity, Anzick-1 and Kennewick Man have dissimilar genetic affinities to contemporary Native Americans. In particular, we find that Anzick-1 is more closely related to Central/Southern Native Americans than is Kennewick Man (Extended Data Fig. 5). The pattern observed in Kennewick Man is mirrored in the Colville, who also show a high affinity with Southern populations (Fig. 2c), but are most closely related to a neighbouring population in the data set (Stswecem’c; Extended Data Fig. 4c). This is in contrast to other populations such as the Chipewyan, who are more closely related to Northern Native Americans rather than to Central/Southern Native Americans in all comparisons (Fig. 2d and Extended Data Fig. 4d).
Quote: Kennewick Man, like the Anzick-1 child, shares a high degree of ancestry with Native Americans from Central and South America,
The ancestry and affiliations of Kennewick Man - link to the study:
Note this Gobbly Gook study:
The author list in the above image was truncated: the study actually contains 102 names, which means that it is not a study at all. It is actually a list of people who for reasons of their own, take side with those backward, perhaps racist people, who still adhere to the outdated Clovis model of peopling the Americas.
"Genomic evidence for the Pleistocene and recent population history of Native Americans".
Quote from the study above: Here we analyse genome-wide data to show that some Amazonian Native Americans descend partly from a Native American founding population that carried ancestry more closely related to indigenous Australians, New Guineans and Andaman Islanders than to any present-day Eurasians or Native Americans.
BELOW IS WHAT THE FIRST AMERICANS LOOKED LIKE!
"Genetic evidence for two founding populations of the Americas".
The Han Chinese are an ethnic group native to East Asia. They constitute approximately 92% of the population of Mainland China, 93% of the population of Hong Kong, 92% of the population of Macau, 98% of the population of Taiwan, 76.2% of the citizen population of Singapore, 24.5% of the population of Malaysia, and about 19% of the entire global human population, making them the largest ethnic group in the world. The Han Chinese are often referred to as "Chinese" or "ethnic Chinese" in English. They are regarded as a subset of the Chinese nation (Zhonghua minzu). They sometimes refer to themselves as Yan Huang Zisun, meaning the "descendants of (god-emperors) Yan and Huang"
Because the Chinese are such a homogenous group (like Europeans) they have very little (as compared to Blacks) genetic diversity: Y-chromosome haplogroup "O" is the common DNA marker in most Han Chinese.
Phylogeographic Differentiation of Mitochondrial DNA in Han Chinese: phylogenetic analysis of 263 Han mtDNAs shows that 94% of the lineages can be allocated to specific subhaplogroups of the Eurasian founder haplogroups M, N, and R (which is itself a subhaplogroup of N shared between Europe and East Asia).
Analysis of mitochondrial DNA of Jomon skeletons from Hokkaido indicates that haplogroups N9b and M7a may reflect maternal Jomon contribution to the modern Japanese mtDNA pool.
Genetic testing has shown them to belong mainly to Y-haplogroup D-M55. Y-DNA haplogroup D2 is found frequently throughout the Japanese Archipelago including Okinawa. The only places outside Japan in which Y-haplogroup D is common are Tibet in China and the Andaman Islands in the Indian Ocean.
OVERVIEW OF ANALYSIS AND RESULTS
We provide an overview of our key analysis steps and results here. The technical details of the
Obtaining data. To begin the analysis we acquired the Kennewick Man sample raw sequence
Processing of sequence reads. To process the Kennewick sequence data, we trimmed the
Assessment of chemical damage pattern typical of ancient DNA. DNA molecules experience
We assessed the size distribution and damage patterns of inserted molecules using uniquely
Assessment of contamination from modern humans. Estimating the level of contamination
In brief, this program uses the majority-based mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) consensus sequence
The level of mtDNA contamination does not necessarily reflect the level of nuclear DNA contamination.
Mitochondrial DNA (mtDNA) haplogroup. The mtDNA haplogroup an individual carries is
D and f-stat analyses.
To measure genetic similarity between populations in a form that is
We did not have access to Ainu or Polynesian data so we use Japanese and Solomons Island population data as a surrogate.
Rare variant analysis. To further assess the ancestry of the Kennewick man, we take a novel
We find 60 globally rare variants pass our QC filters and are found in the Kennewick Man.
To provide a positive and negative control for this procedure, we also show sharing profiles for
Though most analyses tout Kennewick Mans similarity with the Karitiana people of Brazil: the graph clearly shows that Kennewick man is MUCH MORE SIMILAR to the Arara People of Brazil.
The Arara people, also called Arara do Pará are an indigenous people of Brazil, living in the state of Pará, Brazil. They are known for both their prowess in warfare and trophy-keeping practices. They maintained a nomadic existence and frequently intermarried with other tribes. The largest Arara settlement is Laranjal village. The Arara have been in contact with non-native peoples since the 1850s. They had peaceful encounters with outsiders along the Xingu and Iriri Rivers. From 1889 to 1894, they were harassed by rubber tappers. Arara people speak the Arára language, also known as the Ajujure language, which is a Karib language.
DISCUSSION OF RESULTS
The analyses carried out in the original Rasmussen et al. study use methods that are widely
Based on our results, we found no reason in any stage to suspect errors in the analysis pipeline
One minor criticism may be the use by Rasmussen and colleagues of a filter on sequence
The choices regarding read lengths may explain the discrepancy among the contamination
For the difference between studies, the discrepancy is relatively small and likely reflects
To add a new dimension to the assessment of the Kennewick sample’s ancestry, we assessed
Taken together our analysis of mtDNA, variants that overlap genotyping arrays (PCA, admixture,
The skeleton of Kennewick Man was inadvertently discovered in July of 1996 in shallow water along the Columbia River shoreline outside Kennewick, Washington state, USA. On several visits to the locality over the following month, some 300 bone elements and fragments were collected, ultimately comprising ~90% of an adult male human skeleton3. The initial assessment of this individual was that he was a historic-period Euro-American, based largely on his apparently “Caucasoid-like”3 cranium, along with a few artefacts found nearby (later proved not to be associated with the skeletal remains). However, radiocarbon dating subsequently put the age of the skeleton in the Early Holocene1. The claim that Kennewick Man was anatomically distinct from modern Native Americans in general, and in particular from those tribes inhabiting northwest North America4, sparked a legal battle over the disposition of the skeletal remains. Five tribes who inhabit that region requested the remains be returned to them for reburial under the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). The US Army Corps of Engineers, which manages the land where Kennewick Man was found, announced their intent to do so. That in turn prompted a lawsuit to block the repatriation2, 5, and generated considerable scientific controversy as to Kennewick Man’s ancestry and affinities (for example refs 3, 6, 7, 8, 9). The lawsuit ultimately (in 2004) resulted in a judicial ruling in favour of a detailed study of the skeletal remains, the results of which were recently published2.
These studies provide important details on, for example, Kennewick Man’s life history, refine his antiquity to 8,358 ± 21 14C years bp or to within a two sigma range of 8,400–8,690 calibrated years bp, and demonstrate that the body had been intentionally buried and had eroded out shortly before discovery2. They also include anatomical and morphometric analyses, which confirm earlier studies that Kennewick Man resembles circumpacific populations, particularly the Ainu and Polynesians2, 10; that he has certain “European-like morphological” traits2; and that he is anatomically distinct from modern Native Americans2. These results are interpreted as indicating that Kennewick Man was a descendant of a population that migrated earlier than, and independently of, the population(s) that gave rise to modern Native Americans2.
However, those recent studies did not include DNA analysis. Herein we present the genome sequence of Kennewick Man in order to resolve his ancestry and affinities with modern Native Americans. There were several prior efforts to recover genetic material from Kennewick Man11, but none were successful.
We obtained ~1 × coverage of the genome, from 200 mg of metacarpal bone specimen (Supplementary Information 1) using previously published methods12, 13. The endogenous DNA content was between 0.4% and 1.4% for double-stranded and single-stranded libraries, respectively (Supplementary Information 2). Average fragment length was 53.6 base pairs (bp) and exhibited damage patterns typical of ancient DNA, with excessive deamination of cytosine towards the ends of the fragments (Supplementary Information 2). Similarly, patterns of DNA decay agree with published expectations14, and display an estimated molecular half-life corresponding to 3,670 years for 100-bp molecules (Supplementary Information 3). The mitochondrial genome was sequenced to ~71× coverage and is placed at the root of haplogroup X2a (Extended Data Fig. 1, Supplementary Information 2), and the Y-chromosome haplogroup is Q-M3 (Extended Data Fig. 2, Supplementary Information 5); both uniparental lineages are found almost exclusively among contemporary Native Americans15, 16. We used the X chromosome to conservatively estimate contamination to be 2.5%, which is within the normal range obtained observed in genomic data from ancient human remains17, and we further show this contamination to be of European origin (Supplementary Information 4).
We compiled an autosomal reference data set consisting of published SNP array data18, 19, 20, 21, 22, 23 as well as new data generated from one of the claimant tribes, the Colville (Supplementary Information 10). Due to high levels of recent admixture in many Native American populations, we masked European ancestry from the Native Americans (Supplementary Information 6). No masking was done on the Kennewick Man. When we compare Kennewick Man with the worldwide panel of populations, a clear genetic similarity to Native Americans is observed both in principal components analysis (PCA) and using f3-outgroup statistics (Fig. 1a, b). In particular, we can reject the hypothesis that Kennewick Man is more closely related to Ainu or Polynesians than he is to Native Americans, as seen in a D-statistic-based test where no trees of the type ((CHB,Ainu/Polynesian),(X,Karitiana)) with X being Kennewick Man, the Clovis age Anzick-1 child (ref. 12) or a modern Native American genome are rejected (Extended Data Fig. 3). Model-based clustering using ADMIXTURE24 shows that Kennewick Man has ancestry proportions most similar to those of other Northern Native Americans (Fig. 1c, Supplementary Information 7), especially the Colville, Ojibwa, and Algonquin. Considering the Americas only, f3-outgroup and D-statistic based analyses show that Kennewick Man, like the Anzick-1 child, shares a high degree of ancestry with Native Americans from Central and South America, and that Kennewick Man also groups with geographically close tribes including the Colville (Fig. 2a, b; Extended Data Fig. 4). Despite this similarity, Anzick-1 and Kennewick Man have dissimilar genetic affinities to contemporary Native Americans. In particular, we find that Anzick-1 is more closely related to Central/Southern Native Americans than is Kennewick Man (Extended Data Fig. 5). The pattern observed in Kennewick Man is mirrored in the Colville, who also shows a high affinity with Southern populations (Fig. 2c), but are most closely related to a neighbouring population in the data set (Stswecem’c; Extended Data Fig. 4c). This stands in contrast to other populations such as the Chipewyan, who are closer related to Northern Native Americans rather than to Central/Southern Native Americans in all comparisons (Fig. 2d; Extended Data Fig. 4d).
Our results are in agreement with a basal divergence of Northern and Central/Southern Native American lineages as suggested from the analysis of the Anzick-1 genome12. However, the genetic affinities of Kennewick Man reveal additional complexity in the population history of the Northern lineage. The finding that Kennewick is more closely related to Southern than many Northern Native Americans (Extended Data Fig. 4) suggests the presence of an additional Northern lineage that diverged from the common ancestral population of Anzick-1 and Southern Native Americans (Fig. 3). This branch would include both Colville and other tribes of the Pacific Northwest such as the Stswecem’c, who also appear symmetric to Kennewick with Southern Native Americans (Extended Data Fig. 4). We also find evidence for additional gene flow into the Pacific Northwest related to Asian populations (Extended Data Fig. 5), which is likely to post-date Kennewick Man. We note that this gene flow could originate from within the Americas, for example in association with the migration of paleo-Eskimos or Inuit ancestors within the past 5 thousand years25, or the gene flow could be post colonial19.
We used a likelihood ratio test to test for direct ancestry of Kennewick Man for two members of the Colville tribe who show no evidence of recent European admixture. This test allows us to determine if the patterns of allele frequencies in the Colville and Kennewick Man are compatible with direct ancestry of the Colville from the population to which Kennewick Man belonged, without any additional gene flow. As a comparison we also included analyses of four other Native Americans with high quality genomes: two Northern Athabascan individuals from Canada25 and two Karitiana individuals from Brazil12, 13. While the test rejects the null hypothesis of direct ancestry with no subsequent gene flow in all cases, it only does so very weakly for the Colville tribe members (Table 1, Supplementary Information 8). These findings can be explained as: (1) the Colville individuals are direct descendants of the population to which Kennewick Man belonged, but subsequently received some relatively minor gene flow from other American populations within the last ~8.5 thousand years, in agreement with our findings above; (2) the Colville individuals descend from a population that ~8.5 thousand years was slightly diverged from the population which Kennewick Man belonged or (3) a combination of both.
It has been asserted that “…cranial morphology provides as much insight into population structure and affinity as genetic data”2. However, although recent and previous craniometric analyses have consistently concluded that Kennewick Man is unlike modern Native Americans, they disagree regarding his closest population affinities, the cause of the apparent differences between Kennewick Man and modern Native Americans, and whether the differences are historically important (for example, represent an earlier, separate migration to the Americas), or simply represent intra-population variation2, 3, 7, 10, 26, 27, 28. These inconsistencies are probably owing to the difficulties in assigning a single individual when comparing to population-mean data, without explicitly taking into account within-population variation. Reanalysis of W. W. Howells’ worldwide modern human craniometric data set29 (Supplementary Information 9) shows that biological population affinities of individual specimens cannot be resolved with any statistical certainty. While our individual-based craniometric analyses confirm that Kennewick Man tends to be more similar to Polynesian and Ainu peoples than to Native Americans, Kennewick Man’s pattern of craniometric affinity falls well within the range of affinity patterns evaluated for individual Native Americans (Supplementary Information 9). For example, the Arikara from North Dakota (the Native American tribe representing the geographically closest population in Howells’ data set to Kennewick), exhibit with high frequency closest affinities with Polynesians (Supplementary Information 9). Yet, the Arikara have typical Native-American mitochondrial DNA haplogroups30, as does Kennewick Man. We conclude that the currently available number of independent phenetic markers is too small, and within-population craniometric variation too large, to permit reliable reconstruction of the biological population affinities of Kennewick Man.
In contrast, block bootstrap results from the autosomal DNA data are highly statistically significant (Extended Data Fig. 3), showing stronger association of the Kennewick man with Native Americans than with any other continental group. We also observe that the autosomal DNA, mitochondrial DNA and Y chromosome data all consistently show that Kennewick Man is directly related to contemporary Native Americans, and thus show genetic continuity within the Americas over at least the past 8 thousand years. Identifying which modern Native American groups are most closely related to Kennewick Man is not possible at this time, since our comparative DNA database of modern peoples is limited, particularly for Native-American groups in the United States. However, among the groups for which we have sufficient genomic data we find that the Colville, one of the Native American groups claiming Kennewick Man as ancestral, show close affinities to that individual or at least to the population to which he belonged. Additional modern descendants could be identified as more Native American groups are sequenced. Finally, it is clear that Kennewick Man differs significantly from the Anzick-1 child who is more closely related to the modern tribes of Mesoamerica and South America12, possibly suggesting an early population structure within the Americas.
Main• Methods• Accession codes• References• Acknowledgements• Author information• Extended data figures and tables• Supplementary information
We extracted DNA from a 200-mg bone fragment from Kennewick Man, and built both single and double stranded DNA libraries, which were sequenced on the Illumina HiSeq platform (Supplementary Information sections 1, 2). We performed DNA damage analyses and estimated decay rates to verify authenticity; additionally we estimated contamination on both nuclear and mitochondrial DNA (Supplementary Information sections 2, 3, 4). For the nuclear contamination we developed a model to identify the most likely source population (Supplementary Information section 4). Both mitochondrial and Y-chromosome haplogroup were determined (Supplementary Information sections 2, 5). To resolve the ancestry of Kennewick Man, we performed PCA, outgroup f3- and D-statistics, as well as ADMIXTURE analyses on a panel of published SNP array data that was collected and curated from worldwide populations with suggested relationship to Kennewick Man (Supplementary Information sections 6, 7), in addition to data generated from members of the Colville Tribe (Supplementary Information section 1). Individual and tribal consent was obtained for all study participants, and the National Committee on Health Research Ethics in Denmark had no comments on the design (H-3-2012-FSP21). We tested if Kennewick Man belonged to a population ancestral to the Colville Tribe and estimated their divergence time (Supplementary Information section 8). Lastly, we reanalysed the craniometric data for Kennewick Man, and compared it to both individual samples and population mean data (Supplementary Information section 9).
The U.S. Army Corps of Engineers (USACE or Corps), Northwestern Division, controls the collection from site 45BN495, which includes the skeletal remains of Kennewick Man. The collection is presently housed at the Burke Museum of Natural History and Culture on the University of Washington campus. The skeleton was discovered on July 28, 1996, by two young men walking along the Columbia River near Kennewick, Washington. The discovery was reported to the police who called a local archaeologist, James Chatters, to investigate and collect the remains. Upon determination that the site was located on federal property (USACE, Walla Walla District), the Corps was notified. While the physical characteristics of the remains led to an initial belief that the remains were from an early European settler, the discovery of a stone projectile point embedded in the hip bone suggested a much earlier time period. Initial radiocarbon dating placed the skeleton between 8,340 and 9,200 years old.
• After two years of examination, analysis, and study, DOI determined the remains to be Native American in January 2000 and culturally affiliated with the claimant tribes in September of that same year.
• In September 2002, the tribes intervened for purposes of the appeal to challenge the District Court’s decision.
• Following the Ninth Circuit decision, the plaintiffs submitted a study plan to the Corps along with subsequent study requests. The Corps approved the majority of these requests, allowing the plaintiffs to have access the collection to perform a series of studies, as ordered by the Court. Terms and conditions were placed on each of these studies to protect and preserve the research potential of the collection. The Corps has responded to all requests from the plaintiff scientists and the plaintiffs completed all approved studies.
• One of the members of the plaintiff’s team also requested access to conduct ancient DNA (aDNA) analysis on already sampled portions of the skeleton, which was approved by the Corps in August 2011.
The Ninth Circuit acknowledged that NAGPRA does not specify precisely what kind, or how strong, a relationship is required in order to make a Native American determination, but the court was clear that age alone is not a sufficient basis for determining that remains are Native American, although it can be a factor that is considered. A Native American determination must be made on a finding that substantial evidence supports the agency's decision. Bonnichsen II, 367 F.3d at 779-80. Substantial evidence is more than a mere scintilla of evidence. It means such relevant evidence as a reasonable mind might accept as adequate to support a conclusion, even if it is possible to draw two inconsistent conclusions from the same evidence. See Bonnichsen II, 367 F.3d, at fn. 19, fn. 20; Richardson v. Perales, 402 U.S. 389, 401 (1971); Landes v. Royal, 833 F.2d 1365, 1371 (9th Cir. 1987).
Determining remains to be Native American is, therefore, distinct from determining cultural affiliation. Cultural affiliation, the second step of the NAGPRA process, is required before transfer may occur. See Bonnichsen II, 367 F.3d at 875 (the first inquiry asks "whether the human remains are Native American" and the second inquiry asks "which American Indians or Indian tribe bears the closest relationship to Native American remains"). This determination does not address cultural affiliation nor does it propose a transfer of custody of the remains.
To establish cultural affiliation, there must be a preponderance of evidence that there is a "relationship of shared group identity which can be reasonably traced” between a present day Indian tribe and an identifiable earlier group. 25 U.S.C. § 3001(2); see also 25 U.S.C. § 3005(a)(4). First, substantial evidence is a lower threshold of proof than preponderance of the evidence. Substantial evidence is essentially a reasonableness standard ("such evidence as a reasonable mind might accept as adequate to support a conclusion"), whereas preponderance of the evidence requires the conclusion being drawn as being more likely than not true. Second, to be Native American under NAGPRA, there needs to be merely a connection to a presently existing tribe, people, or culture. For cultural affiliation, there needs to be shared group identity with a tribe. A tribe, people, or culture is significantly broader than only a tribe; likewise a "connection" is more ephemeral than a "shared group identity."
The District Court clarified that it is “not the role of the court to determine whether Kennewick Man is or is not ‘Native American’ under the terms of NAGPRA….The court is simply concluding that the record will not support the Secretary’s affirmative finding that the remains are ‘Native American.’” Bonnichsen I, 217 F. Supp. 2d at 1139, fn. 41.
Original Native American Determination and Studies
On January 11, 2000, the Department of the Interior determined that there was “sufficient information to determine that [the Kennewick skeletal] remains should be considered ‘Native American’ as defined by NAGPRA.” Memorandum from Francis P. McManamon to Assistant Secretary, Fish and Wildlife and Parks, Determination That the Kennewick Human Skeletal Remains are “Native American” for the Purposes of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act [hereafter January 2000 DOI Memo]. DOI used primarily age and geography to indicate Native American ancestry. Additional radiocarbon dating of the bones by DOI at three separate laboratories confirmed that the remains were older than 6,000 years (January 2000 DOI Memo). The chronological age obtained through radiocarbon dating was further confirmed and refined by DOI through geomorphologic and sedimentary investigations of the river bank (Huckleberry et al. 1998; Wakeley et al. 1998), analysis of the remains themselves (Powell and Rose 1999), comparison of sediments adhering to the remains and in the river bank profile
(Huckleberry and Stein 1999), and information from the analysis of the lithic artifact lodged in the ilium (Fagan 1999). In all, information derived using the methods and techniques of archaeology, geomorphology, physical anthropology, sedimentology, and other scientific disciplines supported a determination that the remains were probably between 8,500 and 9,500 years old (January 2000 DOI Memo).
The DOI study also identified morphological characteristics that are considered Native American, including a large malar tubercle, blurred nasal sill, zygomatic posterior tubercle, slight nasal depression, moderate prognathism, elliptical dental arcade, straight palatine suture, and what appeared to be an angled zygomaticomaxillary suture (Powell and Rose 1999). However, morphological studies completed also indicated that Kennewick Man’s cranium was unlike any modern Native American group and more like crania from the south Pacific and Polynesia (Powell and Rose 1999).
When the Corps recovered the remains in 1996, Dr. David Glenn Smith was attempting to perform a series of DNA extractions to determine the presence or absence of certain haplogroups. Affidavit of David Glenn Smith (Bonnichsen v. United States), May 19, 1997, at ¶ 4. In subsequent correspondence, Dr. Smith stressed that DNA studies are important to demonstrate that there is a direct ancestor/descendant relationship between modern Native Americans and Paleoindians. E.g., Letter from David Glenn Smith to Colonel Donald R. Curtis, dated May 29, 1997.
DNA testing, therefore, became a critical component of DOI’s analysis of Kennewick Man in 2000. As indicated by DOI, “DNA analysis will be useful to the Department in determining if a shared group identity or cultural affiliation can be made between these very ancient remains and Indian tribes that have historically inhabited the Upper Plateau region in Washington State.” DOI Press Release, dated February 18, 2000. In a report to DOI, scientists looked at the potential for DNA analysis of the Kennewick remains (Tuross and Kolman 2000). At the time, despite expressing concerns over low levels of human bone collagen and possible complexities in extracting the DNA, the report stated that it was also “possible that mitochondrial DNA analyses of the skeleton will allow assignment of the skeleton to the biological grouping of American Indian (Tuross and Kolman 2000:4).”
The Court noted the reliance on age (over 8,000 years old) and geography (Columbia Plateau) in the determination of Native American ancestry. “The decision [that Kennewick Man was Native American] was premised on only two facts: the age of the remains, and their discovery site within the United States.” Bonnichsen I, 217 F. Supp. 2d at 1130. The Court found that some relationship between remains or cultural items and an existing tribe, people, or culture that is indigenous is necessary for a Native American determination. Id. at 1136. The Court reviewed the results of craniometric studies of Kennewick Man and other early Holocene crania, none of which appear similar to modern Native Americans. Id. at 1137-1139.
“The physical features of the Kennewick Man appear to be dissimilar to all modern American Indians…that does not preclude the possibility of a relationship between the two. However, absent a satisfactory explanation for those differences, it does make such a relationship less likely, and suggests that the Kennewick Man might have been part of a group that did not survive or whose remaining members were integrated into another group.” Id. at 1146. The Court reviewed the administrative record for information that would provide evidence of a relationship and found that “a thorough review does not reveal the existence of evidence from which that relationship may be established.” Id. at 1138.
The Ninth Circuit affirmed these conclusions, finding that the “[t]he administrative record contain[ed] no evidence, let alone substantial evidence, that Kennewick Man’s remains are connected by some special or significant genetic or cultural relationship to any existing indigenous tribe, people, or culture.” Bonnichsen II, 367 F.2d at 880.
Lacking DNA evidence comparing Kennewick Man’s genetics to modern Native Americans and other modern populations, the courts instead used cranial morphology to reflect genetics—“differences in appearance may reflect genetic differences between ancient samples and more recent American Indians and northern Asian populations.” Bonnichsen I, 217 F. Supp. 2d at 1137. Because Kennewick Man’s cranial morphology did not reflect modern Native American morphology and because the court found no other evidence of a relationship with a present-day tribe people or culture indigenous to the United States, the court concluded that the “Secretary did not have sufficient evidence to conclude that the Kennewick Man remains are “Native American” under NAGPRA.” Id. at 1138; see also Bonnichsen II, 367 F.2d at 880.
New Evidence for Native American Determination
Over the last two years, published scientific analyses of Kennewick Man’s skeleton have provided new evidence informing on the ancestry and lifestyle of Kennewick Man (Owsley and Jantz 2014). Primarily, there have been significant advances in the extraction and sequencing of ancient DNA, and Kennewick Man’s DNA has been analyzed (Novembre et al. 2016; Rasmussen et al. 2015). The Corps has reviewed this new evidence, along with all previously completed studies, in order to determine if the new evidence supports a determination that Kennewick Man is Native American.
Craniometric and Skeletal Evidence
Thomas and Larsen (2015:782) point to the “voluminous experimental, epidemiological, and skeletal biological record” that show the importance of biocultural circumstances on skeletal plasticity. Behavioral, cultural, and environmental circumstances can influence morphology over generations (e.g., For the purposes of this document, “Paleoindian” refers to the earliest inhabitants of North and South America dating to before 8,000 years ago.
Armelagos and Van Gerven 2003; Auerbach 2012; Jantz and Meadows Jantz 2000). Expecting cranial remains that are over 8,000 years apart to look exactly the same ignores these types of changes (Auerbach 2012). As noted by Edgar et al. (2007:106), “the ultimate cause for the dissimilarity between Paleoindians and contemporary Native Americans is time—Paleoindian and other post-Pleistocene humans are simply not contemporary, which one might imagine is a source for diversity from a variety of evolutionary factors,” over thousands of years and many generations (id.).
In addition to the fact that the morphology of a population changes over time, scientists have recently challenged the validity of the interpretations of ancestor-descendant relationship using a single specimen such as Kennewick Man—“Stating a fossil is similar to a particular recent group is not the same as saying the fossil belongs to that group. It is simply a statement of similarity” (Jantz and Spradley 2014:475). “Morphological similarity can arise not only through shared descent but also through convergent evolution or phenotypic plasticity coupled with similar environments” (Skoglund et al. 2015:104).
The use of a single specimen to infer ancestor-descendant relationships was reviewed by Rasmussen et al. (2015). They analyzed the worldwide modern human data set that was used for the initial comparisons to Kennewick Man (including Howells’ 1973, 1989 and 1996 data for prehistoric and modern populations [hereafter Howells’ Data Set]). Rasmussen et al. found that while the craniometric analysis shows similarity to Polynesians and Ainu, “Kennewick Man’s pattern of craniometric affinity falls well within the range of affinity patterns evaluated for individual Native Americans” (Rasmussen et al. 2015:458). The authors conclude that a reliable reconstruction of the biological population affinities for Kennewick Man cannot be completed because there are not enough independent phenetic markers and within group population variation is too large to produce reliable results. Kennewick Man is “part of the male Amerind craniometric variation” (Rasmussen et al. 2015, Supplementary Information: 13); he just might not look like the “average” modern Native American. Therefore, Kennewick Man should not be ruled out as a Native American because his cranial morphology differs from the average modern Native American.
Jantz and Spradley (2014:474) point out that Howells’ Data Set has poor representation of Native American crania stating that “such a limited comparative set could in no way adequately reflect the morphometric diversity of North America.” Tasa and Vogel (2016) also observed that Howells’ Data Set has poor representation of Native American crania from the Pacific Northwest, the geographic location of Kennewick Man. Tasa and Vogel used measurements from 179 late pre-contact to contact period known Pacific Northwest Native American crania to determine if Howells’ Data Set would identify these individuals as Native American using discriminant function analysis. Using the least stringent level of typicality (likelihood that the individual belongs to the selected group), only 21 of the Native American individuals (12%) were reliably classified as Native Americans. Using the most stringent typicality, only 4 (2%) of the Pacific Northwest Native American individuals were reliably classified as Native American. The results show that Howells’ samples are insufficient to make assignments for more recent Native American skeletons, let alone for a cranium such as Kennewick Man that is over 8,000 years old.
Finally, Kennewick Man exhibits traits that can reasonably be considered Native American, as was originally noted by Powell and Rose (1999) during the DOI studies. These morphologies include a large malar tubercle, blurred nasal sill, zygomatic posterior tubercle, slight nasal depression, moderate prognathism, elliptical dental arcade, straight palatine suture, and what appeared to be an angled zygomaticomaxillary suture. Additional analysis has also shown Kennewick Man exhibits coalition (union) between the third metatarsal and third cuneiform (two normally separate foot bones) in both feet.
In summary, the newest scientific data on Kennewick Man and skeletal analyses of Paleoindian skeletons support the following:
Over the last ten to fifteen years, the field of paleogenomics has seen large growth due to the improvements in the extraction, isolation, sequencing, and analysis of ancient DNA (e.g., Carpenter et al. 2013; Chatters et al. 2014; Kempt and Schurr 2010; Paabo et al. 2004; Potter et al. 2014; Prufer et al. 2014; Rasmussen et al. 2010; Rasmussen et al. 2014; Smith et al. 2005; Shapiro and Hofreiter 2014; Tackney et al. 2015). Ancient DNA from the Americas continues to provide data for research on Native American population genetics, including the timing of the population of the Americas, migration patterns, and migration routes (e.g., Chatters et al. 2014; Goebel et al. 2008; Kaestle and Smith 2001; Kemp et al. 2007; Kitchen et al. 2008; Skoglund et al. 2015; Raghavan et al. 2015).
The Corps approved another attempt to extract aDNA from Kennewick Man in 2011, using a previously sampled section of hand bone. On June 18, 2015, the results of the analysis of DNA recovered from the hand bone were published (Rasmussen et al. 2015). The researchers extracted, amplified, and compared Kennewick Man’s DNA to modern populations. The results were based on autosomal DNA, mitochondrial DNA, and Y-chromosome data, as compared to worldwide genomic data (Rasmussen et al. 2015). To validate the results, the Corps contracted for an independent review of the 2015 DNA analysis (Novembre et al. 2016). That review concurred with the findings of Rasmussen et al. (2015).
Although the potential for contamination is often noted as a concern for any DNA study, including for aDNA studies, and for the Kennewick DNA studies in particular (e.g., Owsley and Jantz 2014:645), Rasmussen et al. (2015) and Novembre et al. (2016) both addressed this concern. Novembre et al. concluded that the “damage patterns we observed are typical of aDNA and, together with the analyses of mtDNA and X chromosome reads, argue against the possibility of extensive modern Native American contamination driving the results (Novembre et al. 2016:17).”
First, the new genomic evidence rejects the hypothesis that Kennewick Man is more closely related to Ainu or Polynesians than to Native Americans (Rasmussen et al. 2015). Second, as reported by both Rasmussen and Novembre, the autosomal DNA, mitochondrial DNA, and Y chromosome data all consistently show that Kennewick Man is genetically closer to modern Native Americans than to any other population worldwide.
The mtDNA haplogroup for Kennewick Man is haplogroup X2a (Rasmussen et al. 2015; Novembre et al. 2016). This haplogroup has only been observed in Native Americans (Novembre et al. 2016). The Y-chromosome haplogroup was established to be hgQ-M3, “a lineage observed exclusively among Native Americans and in Northeast Siberia (Rasmussen et al. 2015, Supplemental Information: 8). Using methods to assess admixture proportions, the ancestry profile of Kennewick Man is most similar to that of living Native Americans from North America (Novembre et al. 2016; Rasmussen et al. 2015). Using a measure of genetic similarity, a few populations of living Native Americans from South American samples are also similar to the Kennewick sample (id.). This result is not unique to Kennewick and is seen in another ancient sample from North America (i.e., Anzick) (id.).
Additionally, the pattern observed in Kennewick Man is mirrored in the Colville Tribe (Rasmussen et al. 2015:456). “Among the groups for which we have sufficient genomic data, we find that the Colville…show close affinities to that individual [Kennewick Man] or at least to the population to which he belonged.” (Rasmussen et al. 2015:458). The Colville were one of the original claimant tribes. A comparative genetic sample was not available for the other claimant tribes, and therefore, there are no data available for their specific relationship to Kennewick Man.
In summary, the newest genetic evidence supports the following:
• The original evidence used to exclude Kennewick Man from the Native American groups—
Following up on the Karitiana - though the following quote is false.
Quote: The strongest relationship is between certain Amazonian tribes, such as the Karitiana, Surui, and Xavante, and the Indigenous Peoples of Papua New Guinea, two regions that are coincidentally among the most linguistically diverse in the world.
The group seems to have been fairly mobile during the 20th century, possibly under pressure from the colonization fronts of the surrounding society. While Captain Manoel da Costa Pinheiro’s reference indicates the presence of the Karitiana on the Jaci-Paraná in 1909, a map sketched by J. Barboza in 1927 locates the Karitiana on the left shore of the middle and lower Candeias, between this river and the Jaci-Paraná. The area between the Candeias and Jamari rivers, important affluents of the right shore of the Madeira river, was declared the territory of the Arikém (Ariquême). In this same area, the records of the 9th Regional Inspectorate of the SPI from 1948 situate the Karitiana slightly further to the east. Between 1950 and 1953 they were located on the middle Candeias river in what appeared to be a new movement westwards; the group was probably visited by three Salesian priests in this location in 1958. Then in 1967-69 the Karitiana Indigenous Post was set up further west on the upper Das Garças river. Apparently some years later the group headed a little further westwards, eventually occupying the current site on the shores of the Sapoti river.
According to their historical narratives, the Karitiana experienced a brutal demographic decline after contact with the whites. Indeed Darcy Ribeiro considered them extinct in 1957. This situation led the group to adopt extreme measures to avoid their complete extinction. Firstly, an elderly leader, Antônio Morais, married various Karitiana women (7 or 10, depending on the different versions), including some women in principle interdicted by matrimonial rules. This event ended up generating a densely related population from the genealogical and genetic viewpoint: a study by the Federal University of Pará, in 1991, showed that the coefficient of average consanguinity – which measures the degree of genetic kinship of a population – of the Karitiana was 0.142 (between first-degree cousins, this figure is 0.125). Also according to the research, all the Karitiana below 16 years old descend from the chief Morais, very often by various genealogical lines.
The group led by the chief Morais lived on the middle Candeias, working for a rubber boss in exchange for industrialized goods. At some point, possibly around the 1930s or 40s, this group left the region, refusing any contact with the whites. They moved westwards, encountering another group – called Capivari or Joari, according to the different versions – from whom they had probably separated during the initial moments of contact at the start of the 20th century (when narrating the episode of the encounter, the Karitiana emphasize that communication was possible since the two groups spoke the same language). The two groups met in the area currently occupied by the Karitiana, which they today recognize as the former Capivari\Joari territory. In this region they entered into contact with the whites once again, at the end of the 1950s. Their historical traditions stress the vital importance of the meeting of these two groups: with the populations of both groups heavily reduced, the couples formed after the union proved to be fundamental to the subsequent demographic and cultural recovery of the people.
It is unknown why the group formed after the re-encounter of the Karitiana and Capivari/Joari kept the name of the former, but it is likely, judging by the memories of those alive today, that Antônio Morais had become a prodigious giver of women – since the Karitiana recount that Morais looked for men among the Capivari/Joari to marry his many daughters – and his prestige had grown enormously due to the many sons-in-law he brought to live with him. At the same time, Morais was already well-known as a leader in the region at the time of the first permanent contacts with whites, becoming a key intermediary between the latter and the Karitiana: in 1957 he was taken to Porto Velho with his son José Pereira, and the two became the first Karitiana to be baptized, according to the records held in the Cathedral in the city.
A subsequent DNA study by David Reich & Svante Pääbo titled: "An early modern human from Romania with a recent Neanderthal ancestor:" Terms the specimen "Oase-1" and re-dates it to 37,000–42,000-years-old. Oase-1 belongs to the Y-dna haplogroup F, which is carried by most males in Eurasia today. The Mtdna = N. Study quote: We then find that the Oase 1 individual shares equally as many alleles with early Europeans, as with present-day East Asians and Native Americans.
|Click here for Home page|