The Jugurthine War by Gaius Crispus Sallust (86-35 BC), Roman historian

   I. It is the unfounded complaint of mankind that they are naturally weak and short-lived, and that it is chance, not merit, that rules their destiny. So far is this from the truth, that consideration will show that nothing surpasses or excels our nature, and that it is rather energy that is lacking to it than power or length of days. It is mind that is the guide and commander of life in mortal men. Where this advances to glory along the path of virtue, its powers, resources, and renown are ample without the help of fortune; for uprightness, activity, and other good qualities, fortune can neither give nor take away. Where, on the other hand, it has become the slave of low passions and has succumbed to sloth and bodily pleasures, a short submission to the fatal influence of lust suffices to fritter away strength, opportunities, and intellect, in idleness, and then the weakness of our nature receives the blame, and the doers charge circumstances with the defect that lies in themselves. Were men but as anxious in an honorable cause as they are zealous in the pursuit of matters of no concern or profit, and often even attended with danger [and ill effects], they would be as much the masters as the slaves of destiny, and would attain to such a pitch of greatness as would make them, as far as mortal men may be, undying in their glory.

   II. Men are made up of body and soul; hence all their fortunes and passions follow in some cases the character of their body, in others that of their mind. Beauty of person and greatness of wealth, with bodily strength, and all other blessings of this kind, are soon spent, but the noble achievements of genius are as eternal as the soul itself. Moreover, in the case of blessings of body or of fortune, as is the beginning so is the end. They no sooner are risen then they begin to fall, and decay from the moment of their prime. The mind is pure and eternal; itself ungoverned, as the guide of man, it moves and governs all things. Hence we may be the more astonished at the degradation of those who surrender themselves to bodily pleasures, and spend their life in luxury and sloth, while they allow the intellect, the best and noblest factor in man's nature, to become inert from indolence and neglect; and this, too, when the qualities of mind by which the highest renown may be won, are so many and diverse.
   Of these pursuits, however, magistracies and military commands, or in fact any share in the public administration, seem to me at the present time far from desirable, since the honors of office are refused to merit, while those who attain them either by knavery or force gain nothing in security nor yet in distinction.

   III. To govern country or parents by force, even where such rule is possible, and is used for the correction of crime, is yet a grievous matter, especially when every revolution is the sure forerunner of massacres, banishments, and the other horrors of war. On the other hand, to labor without result, and seek no other reward for toil than unpopularity, is the height of madness, except, perhaps, for those who are mastered by a disgraceful and fatal impulse to sacrifice their own honor and freedom to the power of a clique.

   IV. Among the tasks that occupy the intellect, historical narration holds a prominent and useful place. As its merits have been often extolled, I think it best to leave them unmentioned, and thus escape any imputation of arrogantly exalting myself by praise of my own pursuit. And yet I have no doubt that there will be some who, because I have determined to pass my life at a distance from public affairs, will apply the name of indolence to my long and useful task. At any rate, the men to whom it seems the height of energy to court the mob, and buy favor by their public entertainments, will do so. These I would ask to remember the character of the men who were unsuccessful as candidates at the times when I obtained my several offices, and the class who subsequently gained admittance to the Senate; if they do this they will certainly consider that my change of determination was dictated by sound reason rather than by sloth, and that more profit is likely to accrue to the state from my leisure than from the activity of others. I have often heard that Quintus Maximus, Publius Scipio, and, besides these, other illustrious citizens of our state, were wont to remark that as they gazed upon the effigies of their ancestors their spirits were strongly stirred to the practice of virtue. It was not the wax or outward form, they said, that possess this power, but the memory of gallant deeds that kindled a fire in the breasts of brave men that cannot be quenched until their own merit has rivalled their ancestors' fame and renown. As matters now are, is there a single man who does not prefer to vie with his ancestors in wealth and expenditure rather than in probity and energy? Even the men of no family, who formerly when they won a victory over the nobility, won it by superior merit, now struggle into honors and commands by intrigue and violence, rather than by any honorable qualities, and seem to think that the praetorship, consulship, and other high offices, possess an intrinsic renown and splendor, instead of being only esteemed according to the merits of their occupants. I have wandered, however, too far afield in my sorrow and shame at my country's degradation; I now return to my task.

   V. I am about to write a history of the war which the Roman people carried on with Jugurth, king of the Numidians, in the first place because it was a great and severe contest, waged with varying success; and in the second, because resistance was then for the first time made to the pride of the nobility, and this struggle threw all things, both human and divine, into confusion, and reached such a pitch of fury that admi the passions of her citizens war and devastation made an end of Italy. But, before I set forth how these things began, I will touch on a few points of earlier history, that my whole narrative may be clearer and more open to the view.
   In the second Punic war, in which the Carthaginian general Hannibal had inflicted the severest blow that the resources of Italy had received since the Roman power became supreme, Massinissa, king of the Numidians, was admitted to our friendship by Publius Scipio, whose merits subsequently gained him the title "Africanus." He achieved many brilliant military successes, and after the conquest of the Carthaginians, and the capture of Sufax, whose rule was powerful in Africa, and of wide extent, was rewarded by the Roman people with a gift of all the cities and lands which they had conquered. Thus favored, Massinissa ever remained our loyal and honorable friend, and at last his authority and his life came to a common conclusion.
   After Massinissa's death, his son Micipsa, whose brothers, Mastanabal and Gulussa, had been removed by disease, succeeded to the throne. He had two sons of his own, Adherbal and Hiempsal, and also reared in the palace, on equal terms with his own children, Jugurtha, his brother Mastanabal's natural son, who, on account of his birth, had been left by Massinissa in a private position.

   VI. Powerful in frame, and of handsome appearance, but especially remarkable for mental ability, Jugurtha, on arriving at manhood, did not abandon himself to the seductions of luxury and sloth, but took part in the national pursuits of riding and marksmanship, vied with his fellows in the race, and, while surpassing all in glory, at the same time won every heart. He passed much of his time in hunting, and was the first, or among the first, to wound the lion and other prey; yet, while thus prominent in action, he was the last to talk about himself. Jugurtha's behavior at first delighted Micipsa, who thought that his merit would add lustre to his own rule. When, however, he marked his nephew in the prime of life ever rising in importance, while his own existence was now near its close, and his children were still young, he was greatly disquieted, and turned over in his mind many remedies. He was terrified as he thought of man's innate lust for power and rashness in indulging his heart's desire, and reflected, besides, how his own and his children's age offered the favorable chance which leads even unambitious men astray in the hope of gain. He saw, too, that the affection of the Numidians was kindled towards Jugurtha, and he was distracted by the fear that to make away with a man of such distinction might occasion riots or even war.

   VII. Beset by these difficulties, he saw that a man who had so won the favor of his countrymen could not be crushed either by violence or craft, and since Jugurtha was ready of hand and eager for military renown, he determined to expose him to danger, and in this way to see if fortune would help him.
   In pursuance of this plan, Micipsa, on sending to Spain a contingent of Numidian foot and horse to the help of the Roman people in the Numantine war, placed Jugurtha in command of this force, in the hope he would meet his death, either in some display of his own courage or by the fierceness of the enemy. The issue, however, of his plans was very different to what he had expected. Jugurtha, such was the energy and activity of his nature, had no sooner acquainted himself with the character of Publius Scipio, who was at that time in command of the Roman troops, and with the quality of the enemy, than, by dint of exertion and forethought, by the most unassuming obedience, and by the frequency with which he exposed himself to risk, he had quickly won such distinction as to be the darling of our soldiers and the greatest terror of the Numantines. He achieved, indeed, that most difficult task of uniting vigor in battle with a sound discretion, though the one in its foresight so often breeds terror, and the other in its boldness too rash a hardihood. The general was thus led to employ Jugurtha in nearly every task of difficulty; he ranked him among his friends, and daily became more attached to him as a man whose advice and enterprise were ever attended with success. Jugurtha had also a generous temper, and a tact by which he at once united many of the Romans to himself on terms of intimacy.

   VIII. Just at this time there were in our army many men, some of illustrious, some of undistinguished descent, with whom riches weighed more than virtue and honor. By their intrigues at Rome, and their influence over the allies, they had attained prominence rather than distinction, and now began to incite the aspiring spirit of Jugurtha by promises that, on the death of King Micipsa, he should have sole possession of the kingdom of Numidia. His own merit, they told him, was of the highest order, and at Rome there was nothing that could not be bought. At last Numantia was destroyed, and Publius Scipio determined to dismiss the contingents of the allies and return home. After awarding the most distinguished presents and praises to Jugurtha in a public assembly, he took him apart to his own quarters, and there privately advised him to seek the friendship of the Roman people rather publicly than through individuals, and to avoid the habit of bribing anybody. It was a dangerous matter, he said, to buy from the few the favor which rested with the many. If he would be content to preserve in the exercise of his talents, glory and dominion would come to him of themselves; should he hasten too eagerly to power, his own money would ensure his ruin.

   IX. After this speech Scipio dismissed him with a letter for Micipsa. Its purport was as follows:--"In the Numantine war the merits of Jugurtha have been pre-eminent; at this I am sure you will rejoice. To me his services have so endeared him that I shall use every effort to recommend him as strongly to the Roman Senate and people. Receive my congratulations, as our friendship demands. In Jugurtha you have a kinsman worthy alike of yourself and of his grandfather Massinissa." The king, on finding the reports he had heard thus confirmed by the general's letter, was impressed both by the merits of Jugurtha and the favor which he had won. He now changed his purpose, and endeavored to win him by active kindness, adopted him at once, and in his will appointed him his heir on an equal footing with his own sons.
   A few years passed, and then, worn out by illness and old age, Micipsa perceived that his end was at hand. In the presence of his friends and kinsmen, as well as of his sons Adherbal and Hiempsal, he is said to have addressed Jugurtha somewhat as follows:--

   X. "As a child, Jugurtha, you lost your father and were left without hopes or fortune. I received you into the royal family under the belief that my kindness would make me as dear to you as though you had been my son, and the result has not disappointed me. To pass over your other great and noble exploits, quite lately on your return from Numantia, the glory you had won shed fresh lustre on myself and my kingdom, and your merits drew our ties of friendship with Rome still nearer. You have renewed the fame of our line in Spain; and, lastly, have achieved the hardest of tasks--you have conquered envy by your renown. Nature is bringing my life to an end, and now, by this right hand, by the honor of a king, I warn and adjure you to hold dear these boys who are your kinsmen by descent, your brothers by my favor. Do not choose the novel friendship of strangers instead of maintaining the established alliance of blood. The bulwarks of empire are not armies or treasures, but friends, and friendship can neither be compelled by force nor won by money, but only by service and loyalty. And has friendship a closer than that of brother to brother; can you hope to find loyalty in a stranger if you turn traitor to your kin? My part is done in assigning my kingdom to you and them. If you act uprightly it will be strong, if treacherous, you will find it weak. By harmony, fortunes grow from small to great; by discord the greatest melt to nothing. It becomes you, Jugurtha, rather than these boys, as their superior in years and wisdom, to guard against any ill result; for in every contest the stronger, even when attacked, is made by his greater power to seem the aggressor. For you, Adherbal and Hiempsal, I bid you respect and esteem the great qualities of Jugurtha. Make his virtues your model and strive that I may not seem more fortunate in the son of my adoption than in those I have begotten."

   XI. Jugurtha was aware of the hollowness of the king's words, and the views that occupied his own thoughts were very different. He made, however, a kind reply as the occasion demanded. A few days afterward Micipsa died.
   After burying him with all the splendor of a royal funeral, the princes met together for a discussion among themselves of matters in general. Hiempsal, the youngest, was of a headstrong disposition, and had long looked down on Jugurtha for his low descent on his mother's side. On this occasion he took his seat on the right of Adherbal to prevent Jugurtha holding the middle place, which the Numidians consider the seat of honor. His brother importuned him to give to superior age, and at last, though with great reluctance, he crossed over to the other side. A discussion ensued on many points of administration, and Jugurtha, among other proposals, suggested that it would be well to cancel all the edicts and decrees of the last five years, on the ground that during that period Micipsa had been so weakened by age as to have little mental power. On this Hiempsal replied that he was of the same opinion himself, for it was only within the last three years that Jugurtha, by his adoption, had been admitted to authority. This remark sank deeper into Jugurtha's breast than anyone thought at the time. Thenceforth, distracted by anger and fear, he intrigued, planned, and indeed devoted his whole attention to plots for treacherously seizing Hiempsal. These schemes progressed but slowly; this, however, did nothing to soften his savage spirit, and he determined to carry out his design by any means that offered.

   XII. At that first meeting between the princes which I have mentioned, they had determined, as a safeguard against disputes, to divide the treasures and to settle the limits of their several dominions. A date was fixed for each of these measures, but the division of the money was to be made first. Meanwhile the princes retired to different places in the neighborhood of the treasury, and it so happened that Hiempsal, who was in the town of Thermida, occupied the house of a man who had acted as Jugurtha's nearest attendant, and had always been esteemed and favored by him. Finding this instrument offered him by chance, Jugurtha loaded him with promises, and induced him on pretense of visiting his own property to go to his house and procure copies of the keys to the gates, as the true ones were always delivered to Hiempsal; for the rest, he said, that on a fitting opportunity he woudl come in person with a strong body of followers. The Numidian soon executed his orders, and, according to his instructions, admitted Jugurtha's soldiers by night. They burst into the house and searched for the king in every direction, killing some of his attendants as they slept and others as they ran out to mmet them, ransacking every recess, breaking bars and bolts, and with their noise and tumult causing a general confusion. In the midst of this, Hiempsal was found hiding in the hut of a female slave, whither at the outset he had fled in his fright and ignorance of the place. The Numidians, according to their orders, conveyed his head to Jugurtha.

   XIII. The news of so great an outrage was quickly spread throughout Africa, and fear came upon Adherbal and upon all who had lived under the rule of Micipsa. The Numidians separated into two parties, the larger of which followed Adherbal, while the more warlike joined his rival. Jugurtha armed as large forces as he could, won over the cities to his government, in some cases by force, in others with their own consent, and prepared to assert his rule over all Numidia. Meantime Adherbal had dispatched an embassy to Rome to inform the Senate of his brother's murder and his own position, but, trusting in the numbers of his troops, was also preparing for open war. He was soon defeated in a pitched battle, and fled from the field into the Roman province, and subsequently to Rome itself. Jugurtha had attained his end; and now that he had gained possession of all Numidia, had leisure to reflect on the nature of his conduct. He feared the Roman people, and had no other hope of defense against their anger than was afforded by the cupidity of the nobles and his own wealth. In the course, therefore, of a few days, he dispatched ambassadors to Rome with a large sum in silver and gold, and instructions that after loading his early friends with presents they should proceed to gain him new ones, and, in fine, should be zealous in enlisting every ally whom money could procure. The ambassadors reached Rome, and, in accordance with their instructions, sent large presents to the king's old friends, and to others whose influence was at that time powerful in the Senate, and thus produced such a change of feeling as raised Jugurtha from the greatest unpopularity into the favor and good-will of the nobility. Some of these incited by the hope, others by the actual receipt of a payment, strove by canvassing individual senators to prevent any really serious steps being taken against him. As soon, therefore, as the ambassadors felt sufficiently assured, a day was fixed, and the Senate gave a hearing to both parties. I have been informed that on this occasion Adherbal spoke to the following effect:--

   XIV. "Senators, my father Micipsa charged me on his deathbed to account only the administration of the kingdom of Numidia as my own, the real authority and supremacy as belonging to you. At the same time he bade me strive both in peace and war to serve the Roman people to the utmost of my power, and to regard you in the place of relations and kin. If I did this, your friendship, he told me, would serve instead of armies and treasures as the safeguard of my kingdom. I was acting in obedience to my father's commands when Jugurtha, the blackest villain on the face of the earth, in defiance of your government, drove me, the grandson of Massinissa, and, by my very descent, the friend and ally of the Roman people, from my kingdom and all my possessions."
   "Senators, since I was fated to reach this depth of distress, I could wish that I was able to claim your help on the strength of personal, not of ancestral services; if possible, that the Roman people should have owed me, for benefits received, a requital I had no need to ask; or, at least, that if I needed your services, I might have received them as my due. But unaided innocence is poorly secured from danger; the character of Jugurtha it was not mine to shape; and so, Senators, I fly to you for refuge, to whom it is the bitterest part of my fate that I must be a burden before I can be a help."
   "All other kings were admitted to your friendship after being conquered in war, or sought your alliance when their own fate was in the balance. My familiy formed its friendship with the Roman people in the Carthaginian war, when we could hope to find in you no more than a loyal though luckless ally. Of these old confederates I am the descendant, and I bid you not to allow me, the grandson of Massinissa, to ask your help in vain."
   "Had I no other plea to support my request than my pitiable fortunes, that I, who but yesterday was a king, rich in ancestry, in renown, and in resources, am now overcast with misery and become a needy suppliant for foreign help, it would yet accord with the dignity of the Roman people to prevent the wrong and to refuse to allow any man to increase his kingdom by crime. But the realm from which I am ousted is that which the Roman people granted to my ancestors, that from which my father and grandfather united with you in expelling Sufax and the Carthaginians. It is the gift of the Senate of which I have been robbed; it is you who are contemned in the wrong I suffer."
   "Miserable man that I am! Has your kindness, Micipsa my father, resulted in this, that the man whom you made the equal of your children, and joint heir of your kingdom--that he, of all others, is to be the destroyer of your race? Is our family never to be at peace? Must our lot be always one of blood, of battle, and of flight? While the power of Carthage was unbroken, we suffered every cruelty as our natural due. The enemy was close at hand; you, our allies, were far away; our only hope lay in our swords. That plague-spot was rooted out of Africa, and we were enjoying the delights of peace, as men who had no enemies, except those whom you might haply bid us regard as such, when, of a sudden, Jugurtha came upon us, overweening and reckless. In a burst of insolence and crime he murdered my brother, his own cousin, and then began by seizing kingdom as the reward of his guilt. When he found that the same device failed to put me in his power, he drove me, when prepared for anything rather than violence and war, into exile, as you see, in your dominions, far from country and home. He has heaped want and misery upon me, and has rendered me anywhere safer than in my own kingdom. Senators, I placed my faith in a maxim which I once heard my father deliver, that those who diligently cherished your friendship took to themselves, it was true, many a toil, but enjoyed in return an unequalled safety. That side of the agreement which it lay with our family to perform we have carried out; we have fought by your side in all your wars; it lies with you, Senators, to secure our safety in time of peace."
   "My father left behind him two sons, my brother and myself, and thought that his kindness would unite Jugurtha to us as a third. Of my co-heirs, the one has been murdered, and I myself have hardly escaped the wicked hands of the other. What am I to do? Whither in my misfortune were it best for me to fly? Every support of my family has perished. My father has paid the inevitable debt to nature. My brother, who little deserved such a fate, has been foully slain by his cousin. All my family, connected with me by blood or by marriage, have been overwhelmed by some form of destruction. Of those made prisoners by Jugurtha, some have been sent to the cross, others thrown to wild beasts, and the few who are still allowed to breathe are immured in darkness, and, amid sorrow and lamentation, drag out a life more bitter than death."
   "Had I still all the supporters whom I have lost, or who have deserted me for the enemy, yet, were any sudden calamity to befall me, I should still invoke the aid of your House, for the greatness of your dominion makes right and wrong throughout the earth your care. But being, as I am, an outcast from my country and my home, alone, and lacking every appurtenance of my rank, whither shall I go, to whom shall I take my prayer? To the races and beings whose enmity my family has earned by its friendship for you? Is there any land I can approach where my ancestors have not left memorials in numbers of their hostility? Is there any that can have compassion for me, who has been at any time an enemy of Rome?"
   "Finally, Senators, Massinissa laid down for us this rule, that we should seek the friendship of no people save the Roman, form no fresh alliances or engagements. In your friendship, he said, we should find protection sufficient for every need; and, should the fortunes of your empire change, it was our duty to share your fall. By your valor, and the favor of heaven, you are great and wealthy. All things are favorable, all nations obedient to you, and so it is the easier for you to make the sufferings of your allies your care."
   "One thing and one only do I fear, and this is lest some be led astray by a private friendship for Jugurtha, which they have not yet had time to prove. I hear that his envoys are using every exertion, and are canvassing and importuning you, man by man, to come to no decision against the accused in his absence, and before the case has been investigated, and asserting that I come here with a lying tale, and playing the part of an exile when at liberty to remain in my kingdom. Would that I may see that man whose unhallowed deed has hurled me to this depth of distress playing this part that now is mine. Would that either you or the immortal gods may begin to take some thought for the affairs of men! When that is so, he who is now so confident, so brilliantly successful, in his crimes, will be racked with every ill, and pay the heavy penalty of his disloyalty to my father, his murder of my brother, and the misery that he has occasioned me."
   "Brother, dear to my heart, your life was torn from you before its time by the hand that should have been the last to do the deed, yet I count your lot a cause for gladness rather than for grief. With your life you did not lose a kingdom but flight, exile, beggary, and all the miseries that are crushing me. Less fortunate than you, I have been hurled from my ancestral throne into all these ills, and stand here, to show what human fortune is. I know not what course to take; can I, helpless myself, attempt to avenge your wrongs, or take thought for my kingdom when my power of life and death depends on foreign help? Would that death offered an honorable release from my troubles, and that I could escape well-merited contempt if, wearied out by misfortune, I submitted to wrong. As it is, I have no pleasure in life, and cannot die without disgrace."
   "Senators, by your own selves, by your children and parents, by the dignity of the Roman people, I demand your help in my misery. Take arms against wrong-doing, refuse to allow that kingdom of Numidia, which is your own, to languish amid crime, and the blood of our family."

   XV. After the king had made an end of speaking, the ambassadors of Jugurtha, in reliance rather on their bribes than on the goodness of their cause, made a brief reply. Hiempsal, they said, had been killed by the Numidians for his own cruelty; as for Adherbal, he had made war without provocation, and, now that he was beaten, was complaining because he had failed to inflict a wrong. All that Jugurtha sought from the Senate was that they should think of him as the man he had proved himself at Numantia, and refuse to prefer the words of an enemy to the evidence of his own deeds. Each party then quitted the House, and the Senate proceeded to discuss the question. The patrons of the ambassadors, reinforced by a large section of the Senate, made light of the assertions of Adherbal, extolled Jugurtha's services, and strove by personal influence, by eloquence, and by every means in their power, to shield the crime and wickedness of a stranger as though it were their own honor that was at stake. On the other side a few, who valued right and justice more dearly than wealth, gave as their opinion that help should be rendered to Adherbal, and the death of Hiempsal sternly punished. Of these the most conspicuous was Marcus Aemilius Scaurus, a man of high birth, an energetic partisan, greedy for power, office, and wealth, and an adept in concealing his personal vices. Perceiving the notorious and shameless character of the king's bribery, he feared lest such scandalous excess might arouse indignation, as in such a case often happens, and, therefore, restrained his usual greed.

   XVI. Success, nevertheless, fell to the party in the Senate which let profit and personal influence outweigh the interest of truth. A decree was passed ordering that the kingdom which Micipsa had held should be divided between Jugurtha and Adherbal by ten commissioners. At the head of this commission was Lucius Opimius, a man of distinction, and at that time of great influence in the Senate, owing to the stern use which he had made as consul of the victory of the nobility at the time when Gaius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius Flaccus were murdered. At Rome, Jugurtha had counted him one of his enemies; nevertheless, he received him with labored respect, and by large gifts and promises succeeded in making him prefer his advantage to reputation and honor, and even to his own true interests. Approaching the other commissioners in the same way, Jugurtha gained the majority of them; it was only a few who held their honor dearer than money. In the divison, the part of Numidia bordering on Mauritania, the richest in soil and population, was assigned to Jugurtha; the remainder, to which its abundance of harbors and public buildings gave the appearance rather than the reality of higher value, Adherbal received as his share.

   XVII. My subject seems to require that I should briefly explain the position of Africa, and touch upon the races with which we have been at war or in alliance. Of the regions and tribes which, on account of the heat, ruggedness, or desert nature of the country, have been less often visited, I could hardly, did I wish it, give any certain account; the rest I shall deal with as briefly as possible.
   In dividing the earth most writers have made Africa a third continent; a few hold that only Asia and Europe can be reckoned as such, and that Africa forms a part of Europe. It is bounded on the west by the strait that unites our sea with the ocean; on the east, by a shelving plain, called by the inhabitants Catabathmos. The sea is stormy and harborless; the soil productive and good for pasture, but wanting in timber, while both rainfall and springs are scanty. The natives are healthy, nimble, and inured to toil; except the victims of wild beasts and the sword, few succumb to any disease but old age. It must be added that the number of dangerous animals is large. As to who were the original inhabitants of Africa, and who subsequently arrived, or how the races intermingled, I know that my account differs from the received opinion. I shall, however, briefly present it as it was interpreted to me from the Punic books said to have belonged to King Hiempsal, and as the inhabitants of the country believe the events to have taken place. For the truth of the version my informants must be responsible.

   XVIII. The original inhabitants of Africa were Gaetulians and Libyans, savage and barbarous peoples, living on the flesh of wild beasts, or, like cattle, on the grass of the field. They were controlled by no customs or laws, nor by any chief; wandering aimlessly about, they occupied such quarters as night compelled. But after Hercules, for so the Africans believe, died in Spain, his leaderless army, which was made up of various races, dispersed itself abroad, as his followers sought to win themselves dominions on this side or that. Of its troops, the Medes, Persians, and Armenians crossed in ships to Africa, and settled on the lands nearest to our own sea. The Persians took up their abode nearest to the ocean; they turned the hulls of their boats upside down, and used them as huts, for there was no timber in their land, and no means of obtaining it by purchase or barter from Spain, as the wide sea and their ignorance of the language made commerce impossible. Gradually the Persians, by intermarriage, absorbed the Gaetulians, and, as in their frequent for suitable lands they had wandered widely from place to place, took the name of Nomads. To this very day the dwellings of the Numidian country people, which they call mupalia, are of an oblong shape and curving roofs while resemble the keels of boats. The Medes and Armenians were reinforced by Libyans, a people who lay closer to the African sea, while the Gaetulians lived more directly beneath the sun, near to the zone of intensest heat. The combined nation early possessed towns, for, as they but divided by a strait from Spain, they had formed the practice of mutual barter. Their name was in course of time perverted by the Libyans, who, in their barbarous speech called them Mauri instead of Medes. The power of the Persians rapidly increased, and subsequently a part of them, under the name of Numidians, separated from the parent stock, on account of their growing numbers, and settled on the territory round Carthage which is now called Numidia. Thenceforth, each in reliance on the others' support, by the terror of their arms they forced their neighbors to submit to their rule, and won for themselves glory and renown. This was more especially the case with those who territory extended to our sea. For the Libyans are less warlike than the Gaetulians. At last the greater part of the coast of Africa was occupied by the Numidians, and the conquered were all merged in the race and name of their lords.

   XIX. At a later date, the Phoenicians, some wishing to win dominions, others to lessen the home-population, urged the commons and such others as were eager for change to emigrate, and founded Hippo, Hadrumetum, Leptis, and other cities along the coast. These quickly rose to importance and served, in some cases as a defense, in others as an ornament to their parent states. As to Carthage, I think it better to be silent than to give an inadequate account, for time warns me to hasten to another subject.
   After the Catabathmos, which divides Egypt from Africa, the first place, as you follow the coast, is Cyrene, a colony of Thera; next to this come the two Syrtes, and between them Leptis; then "the altars of the Philaeni" the boundary of the Carthaginians on the side of Egypt, and after this other Punic cities. The rest of the land, as far as Mauritania, is held by the Numidians; Mauritania lies nearest to Spain. To the south of Numidia I learned that the Gaetuli lived, some in huts, others wandering about in a more barbarous state; beyond these are the Ethiopians, and beyond them again, lands dried up by the burning heat of the sun. In the Jugurthine war most of the Punic towns, and the lands which the Carthaginians had owned just before their fall were governed by the Roman people through magistrates. A great part of the Gaetulians, and the Numidians, as far as the river Mulucha, were under Jugurtha; while the ruler over all the Mauritanians was King Bocchus, who knew nothing of the Roman people save their name, and had hitherto been brought beneath our notice neither in peace nor war. The foregoing account of Africa and its peoples will suffice for our needs.

   XX. When the kingdom had been divided, the commissioners left Africa, and Jugurtha found himself, in spite of his fears, in possession of the reward of his crime. He now took the maxim which he had heard from his friends at Numantia, "that at Rome all things might be bought," for an assured truth, and, excited by the promises of the men whom he had recently glutted with his gifts, turned his thoughts towards the kingdom of Adherbal. He himself was of an active and warlike nature; the man he assailed was quiet and peace-loving, of a gentle disposition, which laid him open to injury, and one who rather felt than inspired fear. He therefore suddenly marched into Adherbal's territory with a large force, seized many prisoners, with cattle and other booty, burnt buildings, made cavalry raids on many places, and then retreated with his whole force into his own kingdom, in the belief that indignation would make his victim avenge his wrongs by arms, and that such a step would give rise to war. Adherbal, however, feeling himself no match for Jugurtha in arms, and placing more reliance on the friendship of the Roman people than on his Numidian subjects, sent ambassadors to Jugurtha to complain of this aggression; and, although the answer they brought back was insulting, determined to endure anything rather than to embark on a war, since his former attempt had ended so unfavorably. This availed nothing to lessen the greed of Jugurtha, for he was already, in imagination, possessor of the whole kingdom. Not as before with a band of marauders, but at the head of an army duly equipped, he began open war, undisguisedly seeking dominion over all Numidia. On his march he laid waste cities and fields, carried off booty, and threw fresh heart into his own men, fresh fear into the enemy.

   XXI. Adherbal now understood that matters had reached such a pass that he must either abandon his kingdom or defend it by arms. Under the pressure of necessity, he mustered his forces, and advanced against Jugurtha. And now the army of either king took up a position near the town of Cirta, not far from the sea; but, as it was late in the day, battle was not given. When, however, the night was far advanced, in the darkness that still prevailed, the soldiers of Jugurtha, at a given signal, fell upon the enemy's camp, and scattered and routed its defenders, who were but half awake or in the act of seizing their arms. Adherbal, with a few horsemen, made his escape to Cirta, and had not there been a number of Roman citizens in the place, who stopped the Numidian pursuers from entering the wall, a single day would have seen the beginning and the end of the war between the two kings. As it was, Jugurtha blockaded the town, and set about reducing it by means of mantlets, towers, and engines of every kind, using the greatest haste in forestalling the ambassadors whom he had heard that Adherbal had sent to Rome before the battle took place.
   When the Senate received news of their war, it dispatched three young men to Africa, to go to both kings and acquaint them, in the name of the Roman Senate and people, that it was their will and determination that they should lay down their arms [and decide their disputes by arbitration instead of war]. Such a course, they were to say, would be worthy both of their advisers and of themselves.

   XXII. The commissioners sped on their journey to Africa, all the more because, while they were making their preparations for departure, news was received in Rome of the battle and the siege of Cirta, though the report dealt lightly with the facts. After listening to their address, Jugurtha replied that nothing carried more weight with or was dearer to him than the authority of the Senate; from his early manhood, he said, he had used every effort to win the approval of the good; it was his merit, and not any cunning devices, that had recommended him to the noble Scipio; these same qualities, and not any lack of children of his own, had caused Micipsa to adopt him into the royal family; for the rest, the more proofs he had given of his devotion and energy, the less was he inclined to submit to wrong; Adherbal had conspired to take his life, and, on discovering the plot, he had taken up arms against his guilt; the Roman people would be acting neither rightly nor for their own interests if they hindered his exercise of the law of nations; lastly, he was intending shortly to send ambassadors to Rome to explain the whole state of affairs. After this, they separated. Adherbal the commissioners had no means of addressing.

   XXIII. Jugurtha, as soon as he judged that they had left Africa, finding it impossible, on account of its situation, to take Cirta by storm, threw a rampart and trench round its walls, raised and garrisoned towers, and, while assailing the town night and day by attacks both open and disguised, held out to the guardians of its walls now promises and now threats, roused his men to courage by his exhortations, and, in fine, showed himself bent on making every possible provision. Meantime Adherbal perceived that his fortunes were desperate, his enemy implacable, himself without hope of help, and that, from lack of the requisite means, the war could not be prolonged. He therefore chose the two most enterprising of his fellow-fugitives to Cirta, and, by large promises and pitiful allusions to his own plight, encouraged them to make their way by night through the enemy's lines to the nearest point on the coast, and thence to Rome.

   XXIV. In a few days the Numidians carried out his orders, and Adherbal's letter was read in the Senate. Its purport was as follows:--
   "It is through no fault of mine, Senators, that I send so often to you to implore your help. I am compelled to do so by the violence of Jugurtha, who has been seized with such a passion for my destruction that, unmindful alike of yourselves and of the immortal gods, he prefers my blood to all else beside. Hence it is that I, the friend and ally of the Roman people, have now been besieged for more than four months, and that neither the services of my father Micipsa, nor your decrees, avail me aught. I am pressed by sword and famine; by which the harder I cannot say. My previous fortune dissuades me from writing more about Jugurtha; I have already discovered how little the wretched are believed. It may be, however, that I am right in my conviction that my foe is aiming at a higher mark than myself, and that he does not expect to retain at once your friendship and my kingdom; which of the two he holds of more importance is obvious enough. He began by murdering Hiempsal, my brother, and then ousted me from my ancestral kingdom. These wrongs, I admit, were personal to myself and did not touch you. But now he is in armed possession of a kingdom which belongs to you, and is keeping me, whom you made ruler over the Numidians, a close prisoner. How little weight he attaches to the words of your commissioners my danger may serve to show. What means, then, of moving him is there, other than the might of Rome? For myself, I could wish that the words I am now writing and those in which I once made my complaint in the Senate, told an idle story rather than that they should be confirmed at the cost of my own misery. But as I was born to give Jugurtha scope for the display of his wickedness, I crave no relief from death or hardship, I only seek to be saved from the tyranny of an enemy and bodily torture. Make what provision you will for the kingdom of Numidia, for it is your own, but rescue me from this unhallowed gasp; this I entreat of you by the dignity of your empire, by the loyalty of your friendship, and by whatever memory of my ancestor, Massinissa, still lingers among you."

   XXV. On the reading of this letter, some proposed the dispatch of an army to Africa for the immediate rescue of Adherbal, and that meanwhile they should discuss Jugurtha's conduct in disobeying the commission. Every effort, however, was used by the king's old partisans to prevent such a decree being passed; and, as generally happens, the public good was overruled by private interest. Commissioners, however, were sent to Africa of a more advanced age, of noble birth, and who had filled high offices of state; among their number was the Marcus Scaurus of whom I spoke above, a man who had been consul and at that time was leader of the Senate. The matter was exciting odium, and the prayers of the Numidians were urgent; the ambassadors, therefore, embarked on the third day, and, after a quick passage to Utica, sent a dispatch to Jugurtha commanding his immediate attendance in the province, and announcing their commission to him from the Senate. Jugurtha, on hearing that men of distinction, whose influence in Rome he knew by report, had come to bar his proceedings, was at first greatly disturbed, and wavered between the impulses of fear and passion. He was afraid of the anger of the Senate should he fail to obey the commissioners, while the vehemence of his desire blindly hurried him along to complete his crime. The result in his covetous nature was the victory of the evil course. Encircling Cirta with his army, he strained every nerve to force his way into the town, and was filled with hope that, could he divide the strength of the enemy by assault or stratagem, victory would fall to his lot. His efforts failed, and he could not attain his object of seizing Adherbal before meeting the commissioners. Fearful, therefore, lest further delay should anger Scaurus (of whom he was most afraid), he entered the province attended by a few horsemen. But though serious threats were uttered in the name of the Senate if he did not raise the seige, after much parleying the commissioners departed without having effected anything.

   XXVI. When this news reached Cirta, the Italians, whose courage was defending its walls, confident that the greatness of the Roman people would secure their safety on a surrender, advised Adherbal to deliver up himself and the town to Jugurtha, only bargaining for his life, and leaving everything else to the care of the Senate. Adherbal judged any course preferable to reliance on the word of Jugurtha, yet saw that, should he resist, his advisers had power to compel, and therefore made the surrender. Jugurtha's first act was to torture and put him to death. Next he made an indiscriminate massacre of all the adult Numidians and the traders, as they came in contact with his troops.

   XXVII. When this was known in Rome, and the matter began to be discussed in the Senate, the old supporters of the king attempted, by wasting time over questions and quarrels, and by the exercise of private influence, to soften the enormity of the offense. Indeed, had not Gaius Memmius--a tribune elect, an active man and an enemy to the power of the nobility--apprised the people that their object was to enable a few partisans to gain Jugurtha pardon for his crime, by the delay of the inquiry, all public feeling against the king would have subsided, such was the power of his wealth and influence. The Senate, however, conscious of its guilt, feared the people, and, in accordance with the Sempronian law, Numidia and Italy were assigned to the consuls of the next year as their provinces. The consuls elected were Publius Scipio Nasica, and Lucius [Calpurnius] Bestia; Calpurnius received Numidia, and Scipio Italy. An army was then levied for service in Africa, and pay and what else was needed for the conduct of the war voted.

   XXVIII. Jugurtha received the news of all this with great surprise, so firmly planted in his mind was the belief that at Rome everything could be bought. He now sent his son and two intimate friends as ambassadors to the Senate, and instructed them, as he had done those sent after the murder of Hiempsal, to attack every soul in Rome with bribes. On their drawing nigh to the city, the Senate was consulted by Bestia as to whether it was their pleasure that the ambassadors of Jugurtha should be received within the walls, and a decree was passed that, unless they had come to surrender his kingdom and person, they should leave Italy within the next ten days. The consul ordered notice to be given to the Numidians pursuant to the decree, and accordingly they departed home with their mission unfulfilled.
   Meanwhile Calpurnius, now that his army was ready, chose for his staff party men of noble birth, whose authority he hoped would shield any misconduct of his own. Among them was the Scaurus, of whose disposition and character I have spoken. As for our consul, he had many good qualities, both of mind and body, but his avarice hampered the exercise of them all; he had great power of endurance, a keen intellect and considerable forethought, was not ignorant of war, and never dismayed by danger or sudden attack. The legions were taken through Italy to Rhegium, thence to Sicily, and from Sicily to Africa. After organizing his commissariat, Calpurnius at first vigorously attacked Numidia, capturing many prisoners and taking several towns by storm.

   XXIX. When, however, Jugurtha began through ambassadors to tempt him with bribes, and to show him the difficulty of the war he was conducting, his resolution, weakened by covetousness, readily succumbed. As colleague and assistant in all his proceedings he adopted Scaurus, who, though at first, when many of his party had already been perverted, he had strenuously resisted the king, was now by the magnitude of the bribe offered seduced from the path of virtue and integrity into that of dishonor. Jugurtha began by purchasing no more than a delay in the war, thinking that in the meanwhile his bribery or influence might effect something at Rome. But the news that Scaurus was taking part in the intrigue led him to form the highest hopes of regaining peace, and he determined to treat with the commissioners personally on all the conditions. Meanwhile, to inspire confidence, the consul sent his quaestor, Sextius, to Vaga, a town of Jugurtha's, ostensibly to receive the corn which Calpurnius had openly demanded of the ambasssadors in return for the grant of a truce till the surrender should be made. On this the king, in pursuance of his plan, came to the camp, and after saying a few words in the presence of the council about the ill-will excited by his deed, and his desire to be allowed to submit, arranged all other points in a secret conference with Bestia and Scaurus. On the following day the opinion of the council was taken amid an irregular discussion, and Jugurtha's submission was received. In accordance with a command given in the presence of the council, thirty elephants, a large number of cattle and horses, together with a small sum in silver, were delivered to the quaestor. Calpurnius then set out for Rome to hold the elections, and peace was observed in Numidia and in our army.

   XXX. When rumor spread the news of the events in Africa, and of the way in which they had been brought about, the conduct of the consul was discussed at every place and in every assemblage in Rome. Among the common people his unpopularity was great, while the senators were anxious and undecided whether they should sanction so serious a crime or annul the consul's ordinance. The chief obstacle to their following the true and upright course was the influence of Scaurus, the reputed adviser and accomplice of Bestia. But while the Senate was hesitating and raising delays, Gaius Memmius, of whose independent character and hatred of the power of the nobility I spoke above, roused the people to vengeance by his addresses, bade them not to betray the republic and their own freedom, exposed many instances of the pride and cruelty of the nobility, and in fine showed great energy in exciting the populace by every possible means.
   As the eloquence of Memmius was at that period renowned and influential in Rome, I have thought it well to set forth one of his numerous speeches, and I shall report by preference one which he delivered at a public meeting after the return of Bestia, somewhat as follows:--

   XXXI. "There is much, Romans, to dissuade me from espousing your cause, were it not that my patriotism is proof against every attack. There is the power of a cabal, your own submissiveness, the absence of justice, and, above all, the fact that political honesty involves more danger than recognition. I refrain, for very shame, from dilating on how for the last fifteen years you have been the sport of an arrogant faction; how your champions have perished shamefully and unavenged; how you have suffered cowardice and sloth to weaken your courage; and even now do not rise against your enemies though they lie at your mercy; even now tremble before men who ought to tremble before you. All this is as I have said, and yet my spirit forces me to oppose the tyranny of the cabal. I, at least, will make use of the freedom which was bequeathed to me by my father, whether in vain or to some purpose it lies with you to determine."
   "I do not advise you to do as your ancestors often did, and take up arms against your wrongs. There is no need for violence, no need for secession; your enemies' own behavior is certain to work their ruin. After the murder of Tiberius Gracchus, whom they accused of aiming at kingly power, they set their commissions to work against the party of the commons in Rome. Again, after the slaughter of Gaius Gracchus and Marcus Fulvius, many men of your station were put to death in prison, and in neither case was it the law but victors' caprice that brought the massacre to an end. Let us grant, however, that to give the people back its own is equivalent to aiming at kingly power, and that deeds that cannot be avenged without bloodshed are constitutionally done. In former years you chafed in silence at the sight of the treasury being rifled, of kings and free people paying tribute to a clique of nobles, of the highest glory and the greatest riches being confined to them. Now, not satisfied with having committed these crimes with impunity, they have even presumed to betray to the enemy the laws, your dignity, things human and things divine, in fine, our all. And the men who have done these things feel neither shame nor repentance; they flaunt their splendor before your eyes, displaying their priesthoods and their consulships, and some their triumphs, as if they held them as honors to which they were entitled, not as spoils they had seized. Slaves that are bought for money rebel at unjust commands of their masters; will you, Romans, who are born to rule, patiently submit to servitude?"
   "But what manner of man are these who have taken possession of the state? They are the most wicked of mortals, men of bloodstained hands and monstrous avarice, the most criminal and arrogant of their kind, men who would sell their word, their loyalty, their affections, and seek a profit alike from honor and from shame. Some of them find their safety in having murdered tribunes of the people, others in having held oppressive trials, many in the slaughter of your class. The worse their crimes the greater their safety; the fears that they should feel for their own guilt they have inspired in you in your cowardice. Common desires, common hatreds, and common fears, have united them together in an alliance which between good men would be friendship, but between bad is a cabal. Were but your anxiety for your freedom equal to their zeal for power, the state would asssuredly not be the prey it now is, and your benefits would be enjoyed by your best men, not by your boldest criminals. To win their rights and establish their dignity your ancestors twice seceded in arms and seized Mount Aventine; will you not strive to the utmost of your power to maintain the liberty which you received from them? Will you not strive for it with a vigor made fiercer by the thought that it is more shameful to lose a possession once won than never to have gained it?"
   "'But what do you propose?' someone will ask me; 'ought we to take vengeance on the men who have betrayed the state to its enemy?' Not, I answer, by force or by violence, which it is more disgraceful for you to use, than for them to suffer, but by legal trial, and the witness of Jugurtha himself. For if he has really surrendered, he will undoubtedly pay obedience to your commands; if he despises them, you will know how to judge of the pace and surrender which has secured to Jugurtha impunity for his crimes, immense sums to a few powerful men, and to the state nothing but loss and dishonor. Perhaps, however, you have not even yet had enough of their tyranny, and llike the present times less than the days of old when kingdoms and provinces, law, justice, and judgment, peace and war, and all things both human and divine were held in the hands of a petty class, while you, you who are the Roman people, conquered by no enemy, the lords of every race, thought it enough if you kept your lives. For who among you dared refuse the yoke of slavery?"
   "But, despite my belief that for one who bears the name of man to sit quiet beneath a wrong is the deepest disgrace, I would yet be content that you should pardon these, the wickedest of their race, since they are your fellow-citizens, were it not that your compassion would turn to your own destruction. So great is these men's shamelessness that it will not be enough that you have forgiven their offenses in the past, you must also, deprive them of the power of offending in the future; if you do not, you will be kept in constant anxiety, for you will discover that you must either submit to slavery or keep your freedom by means of force. Of force, I say; for what hope is there of mutual trust or concord? They wish to rule, you to be free, they to inflict wrong, you to prevent it; while, finally, they treat your allies as enemies, and your enemies as allies. With purposes so different, can there be either friendship or peace?"
   "I, therefore, warn and urge you not to allow so great a crime to go unpunished. This is no case of fraud on the treasury, or of money extorted by force from your allies. Heavy crimes as these are, custom by this time has taught us to count them mere nothings. No; it is the powers of the Senate that have been sold to our bitterest enemy; your sovereign rights have been betrayed, at home and abroad; our country has been bought and sold. If these things be not enquired into, if the guilty go unpunished, what is there left for us but to live in bondage to the men who have done them? For what is the kingship, but the power to work your will with impunity?"
   "I do not, however, exhort you, Quirites, to be glad that fellow-citizens have done the wrong rather than the right. I only exhort you, not to set about destroying the good by pardoning the bad. In matters of state, I must add, it is much better to be forgetful of a service than of an injury. Neglect only makes the good man slower to serve you, it makes the bad worse than he was before. See to it that none do you wrong, and you will not often stand in need of others' help."

   XXXII. By frequent speeches to this and the like effect, Memmius persuaded the people to dispatch Lucius Cassius, then praetor, to bring Jugurtha to Rome, pledging the public word for his safety, in order that by the king's testimony the misconduct of Scaurus and the others who were arraigned for receiving bribes might be more easily exposed.
   While this was going on at Rome, the officers left by Bestia in command of the army in Numidia committed many scandalous crimes in imitation of their general. Some on receipt of bribes restored his elephants to Jugurtha, others sold him his deserters, others, again, plundered friendly lands: so violent was the avarice which had settled like a plague upon their minds.
   Gaius Memmius carried his bill, and amid the dismay of the whole nobility, Cassius set out on his mission to Jugurtha. Finding the king full of fear, and prompted by his guilty conscience to despair, he persuaded him, since he had surrendered to the Roman people, not to prefer to learn their might rather than their clemency. For his safety, moreover, he privately pledged his own word, which, such at that time was Cassius' reputation, the king valued as highly as that of the people.

   XXXIII. Jugurtha therefore came to Rome with Cassius, in a guise so pitiful as to be the very opposite of royal state. He had himself no lack of courage, and was supported by all those whose influence or crimes had enabled him to accomplish all that I have above narrated. Nevertheless, he bought with a great bribe Gaius Baebius, a tribune of the commons, thinking that by his shamelessness he would be protected against both justice and violence. A public meeting was summoned, and the commons showed themselves very hostile to the king, some bidding him be put in chains, others that punishment should be inflicted on him as an enemy, according to ancient custom, unless he revealed who were his accomplices. Gaius Memmius, however, had more regard for their dignity than their wrath, quieted their commotion, softened their passions, and finally protested that, as far as he was concerned, the public word should not be broken. As soon as silence was gained he brought forward Jugurtha and addressed him, reminding him of misdeeds in Rome and Numidia, and laying before him the crimes he had committed against his father and brothers. The Roman people, he continued, were not ignorant as to who were his helpers and agents in all this. They wished, however, to have it somewhat more clearly stated from his own mouth. Should he reveal the truth, there rested a great hope for him in the honor and merciful disposition of the Roman people. Should he withhold the information, he would not save his accomplices, but would ruin himself and his own hopes.

   XXXIV. Memmius finished his speech, and Jugurtha was ordered to make answer, when Gaius Baebius, the tribune of the commons whose corruption I have mentioned, ordered the king to be silent, and although the crowd which was present at the meeting in a frenzy of rage tried to terrify him by shouts, by gestures, by frequent assaults, and by every other ebullition which anger is wont to produce, his shamelessness, nevertheless, won the day. The people quitted the meeting where they had been thus mocked, and Jugurtha, Bestia, and the others whom the investigation was disquieting, felt their courage increase.

   XXXV. There was at this time in Rome a certain Numidian, by name Massiva, a son of Gulassa, and grandson of Massinissa. In the struggle between the kings he had opposed Jugurtha, and, on the surrender of Cirta and murder of Adherbal, had fled from his country into exile. Spurius Albinus, consul with Quintus Minucius Rufus in the year after Bestia, now persuaded him, since he was of the stock of Massinissa, and Jugurtha for his crimes was loaded with odium and fear, to beg the kingdom of Numidia from the Senate. The consul was eager to conduct a war, and so preferred a general agitation to letting the matter lose its interest; for the province of Numidia had fallen to himself; that of Macedonia to Minucius. On Massiva beginning to stir in the matter, Jugurtha, who found no sufficient defense in his friends, some of them were embarrassed by their consciousness of guilt, others by their ill repute or their own fears, ordered Bomilcar, his most intimate and trusty attendant, to employ the bribery by which he had accomplished so much, in hiring assassins to attack Massiva, and to kill the Numidian, secretly if he could, or, failing this, by any means whatever. Bomilcar speedily carried out the king's commands, and, by means of men skilled in such business, gained information as to his victim's journeys and departures, and, in fine, as to all the places he was in the habit of frequenting, and the hours which he observed. He then directed the attack as the circumstances made advisable. One of the band who were hired to commit the murder rushed upon Massiva somewhat hastily, and though he cut him down, was himself seized. At the instance of many advisers, and especially of the Consul Albinus, this man turned informer, and Bomilcar was made to stand a trial, rather on considerations of equity than by the law of nations, since he was in attendance on one who had come to Rome under the public guarantee. Though detected in so great a crime, Jugurtha did not abandon the struggle against facts until he perceived that the odium of his deed was too great for either influence or money to overcome. On the first hearing of the case he had given fifty sureties from his friends, but now, thinking more of his kingdom than his sureties, he privily dispatched Bomilcar to Numidia, in the fear that, should he be punished, the rest of his accomplices might be seized with a dread of obeying him. A few days afterwards he himself set out on the same journey, as he was commanded by the Senate to leave Italy. When he had passed out of Rome, he is said, after often looking back on it in silence, at last to have cried: "A city for sale, soon to fall if once it find a buyer."

   XXXVI. Meanwhile the war had been resumed, and Albinus hastened to convey to Africa provisions, and pay, and other requisites for his soldiers' use. He himself set out immediately, hoping either by arms, a capitulation, or some other means to finish the war before the date of the elections, which was now not far distant. Jugurtha, on the other hand, pursued a policy of delay, assigning now one cause and now another, retreating before Albinus' advance, and a little while after, to keep his followers from despair, himself advancing. Thus, now by warlike, now by peaceful means, he secured delay, and baffled the consul. Some at the time thought that Albinus was privy to the king's design, and refused to believe that a war so vigorously begun was thus easily prolonged by sloth rather than treachery. Anyhow, time slipped away, and the date of the elections drew near at hand. Albinus, therefore, left his brother Aulus as propraetor in the camp, and departed for Rome.

   XXXVII. Just at this time at Rome the state was being violently excited by dissensions among the tribunes, two of whom, Publius Lucullus, and Lucius Annius, were striving, despite their opposition of their colleagues, to extend their term of office. This disagreement prevented the elections being held throughout the year, and Aulus, who, as I said above, had been left as propraetor in the camp, was led by this delay to entertain a hope of either bringing the war to an end, or extorting money from the king by the terror of his army. Summoning the soldiers from their winter quarters for a campaign in the month of January, he arrived by means of forced marches in most inclement weather at the town of Suthul, where the king's treasures were deposited. The bittereness of the season, and the natural advantages of the place, made its storming or blockade impossible. Around its wall, which lay on the edge of a steep cliff, a swampy plain had been turned by the rain into a lake. Yet Aulus, either as a pretense by which to increase the king's alarm, or blinded by his eagerness to gain the town for the sake of the treasures, brought up mantlets, threw up a rampart, and hastily made other provisions such as might forward his undertaking.

   XXXVIII. Aware of the folly and unskillfulness of the legate, Jugurtha craftily fostered his madness, sent a succession of beseeching embassies, and, as if to avoid him, kept leading his army amid forests and bypaths. At last he enticed Aulus by the hope of a secret agreement, to leave Suthul and follow him in his pretended retreat into remote regions. [There his misconduct was to be more screened from observation.] Meanwhile he employed skillful agents to tamper with the praetor's army night and day, and bribed the centurions and squadron-leaders, some to desert, others at a given signal to abandon their post. When everything was arranged to his wish, in the dead of night he suddenly surrounded the camp of Aulus with a host of Numidians. The Roman soldiers were panic-stricken by the unwonted uproar; some seized their arms, others sought concealment, others again tried to encourage their frightened comrades; everywhere there was confusion. The force of the enemy was large, the sky was darkened by night and clouds, their danger was critical, it was doubtful whether to flee or to remain was the safer course. Of those whom I stated to have been recently bribed, one cohort of Ligurians, with two squadrons of Thracians and a few private soldiers, deserted to the king, and the chief centurion of the third legion gave an entrance to the enemy over the rampart of which he had been entrusted with the defense; by this road all the Numidians burst into the camp. Our men, in a disgraceful rout, many of them after throwing away their arms, gained a neighboring hill. Night, and the plunder of the camp, withheld the enemy from making use of their victory. On the next day, Jugurtha, in a conference with Aulus, expressed himself to the effect that, although he held him and his army in the toils of famine and sword, he was yet mindful of human fortunes, and, if Aulus would enter into a treaty, would dismiss his whole force unharmed beneath the yoke; with the further stipulation that he was to leave Numidia within ten days. The terms were grievous and shameful, nevertheless, with the fear of death before their eyes, peace was concluded according to the king's pleasure.

 

The Jugurthinian War by Gaius Crispus Sallust

Chapters 39 - 76

   XXXIX. When information of this was received at Rome, fear and grief fell upon the state. Some sorrowed for the glory of their empire, others, in their ignorance of the affairs of war, feared for their freedom. Everyone, and especially those who had often gained distinction in war, was bitter against Aulus for having, though possessed of arms, sought safety in dishonor rather than the sword. The consul Albinus, in his fear of odium and consequent danger from his brother's misconduct, consulted the Senate as to the peace. Meanwhile, he levied reinforcements for the army, summoned contingents from the allies and the Latin citizens, and in fact showed energy in every possible way. The Senate, as was their duty from the first, decreed that without the consent of itself and the people no agreement could have had the force of a treaty. The consul was prevented by the tribunes of the people from taking the forces which he had levied with him, but started himself in a few days to Africa, for his entire army in accordance with the agreement had evacuated Numidia and was now in winter quarters in the province. He arrived there, burning to pursue Jugurtha and so relieve his brother's unpopularity, but the sight of his soldiers, disorganized not only by their route but by the disorder and luxury of a relaxed state of discipline, convinced him that with the means at his disposal nothing was to be done.

   XL. Meanwhile at Rome Gaius Manillius Limetanus, a tribune of the commons, proposed to the people that an inquiry should be held as to all persons by whose advice Jugurtha had disregarded the decrees of the Senate, who had received bribes from him when on embassies or military commands, or who had restored to him his elephants and deserters, and also as to all who had made agreements with an enemy for peace or war. Some in their consciousness of their guilt, others in their fear of danger from party hatred, finding themselves unable to openly resist the bill without avowing their favor for these and similar malpractices, prepared secretly to obstruct it by means of their friends, and particularly by the help of men from the Latin towns and the Italian allies. It is impossible, however, to relate with what determination and violence the commons supported the bill, and this, such was the passion that possessed the contending parties, rather from hatred of the nobility, against whom these penalties were aimed, than from any patriotic feeling. While all others were stricken with dismay Marcus Scaurus who, as I related above, had been Bestia's lieutenant, amid the triumph of the commons and the rout of his own party, in the confusion which still prevailed in the state, managed to have himself appointed one of the three judges created in accordance with the bill of Manlius. The inquiry, however, was conducted with harshness and violence according to the reports and caprices which prevailed among the commons, who at this crisis were possessed by the same insolence in their good fortune as had so often governed the nobility in theirs.

   XLI. A few years before this, party divisions and cabals, with all the bad qualities they bring with them, had become common at Rome in a period of peace and of the abundance of such things as men esteem the first of blessings. Down to the destruction of Carthage, the people and Senate of Rome between them administered the state peacefully and soberly; there was no strife among the citizens for glory or supremacy, and fear of its enemies kept the state to the exercise of honorable qualities. When, however, men's minds were relieved of this fear, as a natural consequence, wantonness and arrogance, the favorite vices of prosperity, made their appearance. Thus the repose, for which amid their calamities they had longed, proved, when they had obtained it, more troublesome and bitter than calamity itself. The nobility now made dignity, the people freedom, the objects of party passion, and everyone seized, plundered, and robbed, for his own hand. Thus everything was drawn to one or other side, and the state, which had stood bewteen them, was torn asunder. Of the two parties the nobility were the stronger, owing to their power of common action; the force of the commons, weakened and scattered in a multitude of hands, was less effective. All action, both in war and in home affairs, was taken at the discretion of a clique. The same party controlled the treasury, the provinces, and civil offices and the awards of reputation and triumph. The people were ground down by military service and want; the spoils of war were seized by the generals and shared with a few accomplices, and meanwhile the parents and little children of the soldiers were thrust from their homesteads by their more powerful neighbors. Hand in hand with power, avarice, unlimited and unrestrained, spread abroad, and, while it caused general pollution and devastation, held nothing as estimable, nothing as sacred until it worked its own ruin. As soon as members of the nobility were found to prefer true glory to unjust dominion, the state was shaken and civil strife sprang into being like some convulsion of the earth.

   XLII. Tiberius and Gaius Gracchus--men whose ancestors had done much to advance the state in the Punic and other wars--first asserted the liberty of the commons and exposed the crime of the clique. The nobility, in guilty terror, opposed their proceedings at one time by means of the allies and the Latin citizens, at another by the Roman knights who had been drawn from the side of the commons by the hope of an alliance with themselves. First they cut off Tiberius, and then, a few years afterwards, his brother Gaius, who was entering on the same course--the one a tribune, the other a commissioner for establishing colonies; and besides these they killed Marcus Fulvius Flaccus. The Gracchi, in their desire for victory, had certainly shown a too intemperate disposition. It is better, however, to be defeated by a good precedent than to crush a wrong by means of a bad one. As it was, the nobility used their victory to indulge their own passion, made away with many persons by sword or banishment, and for the future gained in the terror they inspired rather than in real power. Such conduct has often proved the ruin of great states. Each party is ready to use any means to defeat the other, and to punish the defeated too severely. But were I to set about treating of party passions and the condition of public morals in any detail, or in proportion to the importance of the question, my time would fail me sooner than my material. I therefore return to my task.

   XLIII. After the treaty of Aulus and the disgraceful flight of our army, the consuls Quintus Metellus and Marcus Silanus, in accordance with a resolution of the Senate, had settled on their respective provinces, and that of Numidia had fallen to Metellus, a man of energy, whose reputation, those he was an opponent of the popular party, was unshaken and unblemished. No soon had he entered office than, while accounting everything else as duties to be shared with his colleague, he concentrated his attention on the war which he was about to conduct. Placing little confidence in the old army, he levied soldiers and summoned troops from all quarters; made ready armor, weapons, horses, and the other instruments of warfare, with an abundance of provisions, and everything in fact which in a war of variable character and of many requirements, is wont to be of service. The Senate by its influence, the allies, Latin citizens, and dependent kings, by freely sending contingents, and above all, the whole state by the earnestness of its zeal, used every exertion to complete these measures. When everything was prepared and arranged to his wish, the consul set out for Numidia amid the high hopes of the citizens, which were roused not only by his talents but especially by the unswerving resolution with which he resisted the temptations of wealth, and by the fact that it was the greed of our officers in Numidia that our strength had hitherto been crushed and that of our enemies augmented.

   XLIV. On the arrival of Metellus in Africa, he received from Spurius Albinus, the proconsul, an indolent and cowardly army, unable to bear either danger or toil, readier of tongue than of hand, the spoiler of its allies and the spoil of its enemies, without government and without discipline. Thus more anxiety fell to the new general from the bad character of his soldiers than reinforcement or hope from their numbers. The delay of the elections had shortened his time for a campaign, and he suspected that the minds of the citizens were strained with expectation of some decisive action. Nevertheless, he determined not to engage in active war before he had forced his men to endure toil by reviving the ancient discipline. Stunned by the defeat of his brother Aulus and his army, Albinus, after coming to the determination not to advance beyond the province, for the part of the usual campaigning time during which he was in command, kept his soldiers, as a rule, in fixed camps, except when the effluvium or a scarcity of food compelled him to change his position. These camps were not entrenched, nor were watches set according to military custom. The men left the standards at their own pleasure; camp followers mingled with the soldiers and roamed about with them by day and night. In their excursions they wasted the land, plundered the country houses, vied with each other in carrying off cattle and slaves, and bartered them away to traders for foreign wine and the like. The corn with which the state supplied them they sold, and bought their bread from day to day. In fine, there is no shameful outcome of wantonness and sloth that words can express or imagination figure that was not to be found in that army, and more besides.

   XLV. I find, however, that Metellus showed his greatness and wisdom no less in this difficulty than in dealing with an enemy; with such self-command did he keep the mean between popularity-seeking and severity. As his first step, he abolished by edict all the appliances of sloth, forbidding the sale in the camp of bread or any other cooked food, the presence of camp-followers in the track of the army, or the possession by a common soldier of any slave or beast of burden either in camp or on the march. On all other points he laid down strict rules. Moving along cross roads, he shifted his camp from day to day, fortified it with rampart and trench, as if in presence of the enemy, set numerous watches, and went the rounds in person with his officers. on the march he was now in the van, now in the rear, often, too, with the main body; and saw that no one left the ranks, that the soldiers marched in close order with the standards, and that each man carried his own food and arms. By this course of restrining rather than punishing offenses, he soon gave stability to his army.

   XLVI. Meanwhile Jugurtha, on hearing the report of what Metellus was doing, and being assured from Rome of his integrity, despaired of his fortunes, and now at last tried to make a real surrender. With this object he sent an entreating embassy to the consul to beg only life for himself and his children; everything else they were to surrender to the Roman people.
   Experience, however, had long ago convinced Metellus that the Numidians were a faithless and unstable race, ever eager for change. He therefore approached the ambassadors independently of each other, and tampered with them by degrees. Finding them favorable to his purpose, he persuaded them, by large promises, to surrender Jugurtha to him, if possible alive, but, failing that, dead. Publicly, he bade them take back an answer such as might satisfy the king. A few days later he invaded Numidia with an army prepared for fighting; and in hostile array. No signs of war were apparent; the cottages were occupied, cattle and husbandmen in the fields. The king's officers advanced from their own towns and dwellings to meet him, ready to provide corn, convey provisions, and in fact to do whatever they were ordered. None the less Metellus advanced guardedly as if in the presence of an enemy, sent his scouts far and wide in every direction, and believed these marks of submission to be a mere show, and that an opportunity was being sought for a sudden attack. He himself, with the light cohorts, and a chosen body of slingers and bowmen, was in the front. In the rear his lieutenant, Gaius Marius, was in command with the cavalry. The auxiliary cavalry Metellus had divided between the two flanks under the several tribunes of the legions and officers of the cohorts, in such a manner that skirmishers were mingled with it to repulse the cavalry of the enemy at whatever point it might attack. Such was the treachery of Jugurtha and such his acquaintance both with the country and with the art of war, that it was a question whether he were more dangerous absent or present, in peace or in war.

   XLVII. Not far from the road along which Metellus was marching was a Numidian town named Vaga, the most frequented market of the whole kingdom; and here many Italians had been wont to settle and trade. On this town the consul imposed a garrison, partly for the sake of seeing whether the inhabitants would submit to it, partly on account of the advantage of the place. He further demanded that they should bring in corn and other stores useful for the war, thinking, as he had reason, that the number of traders would both aid the army with provisions, and would help to secure what he had already won.
   While Metellus was busied with this, Jugurtha, with increasing earnestness, was sending submissive embassies, entreating for peace and offering to surrender everything except the lives of himself and his children. As he had done to their predecessors, the consul before dismissing the ambassadors suborned them to betray their master, neither refused nor promised the king the peace he asked, and amid these delays awaited the fulfillment of the ambassadors' promises.

   XLVIII. Jugurtha, when he came to compare the words of Metellus with his actions, perceived that he was being assailed with his own devices. As far as words went peace was offered him, as a matter of fact the war was being hotly pressed; an important city had been won from him, the enemy had learned the nature of the land, and the loyalty of his countrymen had been tampered with. Forced by necessity, he determined on a struggle. A knowledge of the enemy's route led him to hope for victory from the favorable nature of the ground, and, raising as great forces of every kind as he could, by means of little known paths he got the start of the army of Metellus.
   In the part of Numidia of which Adherbal had gained possession at the time of the partition there was a river named the Muthul, which took its rise from the south. Some twenty miles from this stream, and following the same direction, lay a barren and uncultivated mountain ridge. Almost in its midst there rose a hill stretching to an immense distance, and clothed with wild olives, myrtles, and trees of such other kinds as grow in a dry and sandy soil. Between the hills and the Muthul was a plain, barren from want of water, except in the neighborhood of the river, where it was planted with trees and thickly occupied by cattle and husbandmen.

   XLIX. On this hill, which, as I said, lay at right angles to the road, Jugurtha took up his position in a very extended line. Giving Bomilcar the command of the elephants and a part of his infantry, he instructed him what to do, while he himself remained at a point nearer the mountain with the whole body of cavalry and the pick of the infantry, and there posted his men. Then, visiting the several squadrons and companies, he urged and conjured them to be mindful of their ancient valor and of victory, and to shield himself and his kingdom against the greed of the Romans. The men, he said, against whom they had to fight were those whom they had formerly beaten and led beneath the yoke, and though they had changed their general they had not changed their spirit. Everything which the Numidians had a right to expect from their commander he had provided; they would hold the higher ground, their knowledge would be matched with inexperience, they would not join in conflict as a weaker force against a stronger, or as raw recruits with men better versed in war. They must therefore, he said, hold themselves ready and on the alert burst upon the Romans at the given signal. That day would either crown all their toil and victories, or be the beginning of the greatest miseries! Besides this, he addressed singly each man whom he had rewarded with money or distinction for some warlike exploit, reminding him of his favor, and pointing him out as an example to others. In fine, he suited his words to each man's character, and used the various incentives of promises, threats, entreaties. As he was thus engaged, Metellus was seen descending the mountain with his army, unaware of the enemy's presence. At first he was baffled by the strange appearance of the country, for the cavalry and the Numidians had taken up their position in the brushwood, and owing to the lowness of the trees were not altogether hidden, but yet were difficult to distinguish for what they were, as their own bodies and their military ensigns were masked, both designedly and by the nature of their position. He soon, however, discovered the ambush, and ordered a short halt. Changing his formation on the right flank, which was nearest the enemy, he drew up his line with a threefold reserve, distributed slingers and bowmen among the companies, placed all his cavalry on the wings, and, after a few words of suitable encouragement to his soldiers, led his force in its new formation, with the front ranks at right angles to the line of march, down to the level ground.

   L. He remarked that the Numidians remained quiet and did not descend the hill, and in that season, and in the scarcity of water, felt a fear lest his army should be exhausted by thirst. He therefore sent forward his lieutenant, Publius Rutilius, with some light cohorts and a part of the cavalry towards the river, to seize a position for a camp, expecting that the enmy would hinder his own advance by frequent charges and flank attacks, and, in their distrust of the sword, would try what the weariness and thirst would avail them. He himself then made a gradual advance, such as his means and situation allowed, in the same order in which he had descended the hill. Marius was behind in command of the troops facing the enemy, he himself with the cavalry of the left wing, which in the new order of marching was become the van.
   As soon as Jugurtha marked that Metellus' rear had passed his own front ranks he occupied the hill, at the point where Metellus had descended, with a force of about two thousand foot, so as to prevent it serving as a refuge and subsequent stronghold to his adversaries in a retreat. He then suddenly gave the signal, and rushed upon the enemy. Some of the Numidians cut down our rear ranks, others assailed us on either flank, everywhere the enemy was upon us, and pressing us hard. The Roman ranks were thrown into disorder at every point, and even soldiers who had resisted the enemy with unusual resolution found themselves thwarted by the baffling nature of the fight, and while they were being wounded from a distance, had no means of striking a blow in return, or coming to close quarters. As often as one of our squadrons began to pursue, Jugurtha's horsemen, according to their instructions, did not retreat in a body or to any one place, but scattered themselves as widely as possible. They were superior in numbers, and whenever they had failed to deter the enemy from pursuit, surrounded them on their rear and flanks when their order was broken. When, again, the hill offered a readier retreat than the plains, the Numidian horses, accustomed to such riding, easily made their way amid the brushwood, while ours were held back by the rough and unusual nature of the ground.

   LI. The whole engagement, in its changeful and indecisive aspect, was such as to arouse both shame and pity. Separated from their comrades, some retreated, others pursued; heedless of standards and ranks, each man made his stand where danger had overtaken him, and there tried to avert it. Swords and javelins, horses and men, foes and countrymen, were mingled in confusion; no plan was followed, or order obeyed; chance was supreme over all. The fourth part of the day had passed in this way, and even yet the issue was uncertain. At last, when all were faint with toil and heat, Metellus marked that the onset of the Numidians was less vigorous, and, gradually getting his men together, re-formed their ranks, and posted four cohorts of legionaries to resist the enemy's infantry, of which a great part, out of sheer weariness, had seated themselves on the higher ground. At the same time he begged and exhorted his men not to show themselves wanting, nor to suffer the flying enemy to win the day, reminding them that they had no camp or fortifications of any kind to which to retreat, and that all their hopes lay in their arms. Meanwhile, Jugurtha, on his side, did not remain inactive. He visited and encouraged his men, renewed the battle, and, backed by his chosen followers, left no means of attack untried. He relieved his own troops and pressed on the enemy when they wavered, where he saw them making a firm stand he hampered them by distant assaults.

   LII. Thus did the two generals, both of them men of high quality, vie with each other in their efforts. Personally they were a match, but the resources at their disposal were unequal. Metellus could count on the courage of his troops, but the ground was against him. Jugurtha, on the other hand, had everything in his favor save the quality of his men. At last the Romans understood that they had no place of escape, and that the enemy was avoiding a regular battle. When evening had already arrived, they carried out their orders and stormed the hill. The Numidians, on losing their position, fled in confusion. A few were killed, but the majority were protected by their own fleetness, and by their enemies' ignorance of the country.
   Meanwhile, as soon as Rutilius had marched past him, Bomilcar, who, as related above, had been placed by Jugurtha in command of the elephants and a part of the infantry, slowly led his men down into the plain, and, while the Roman officer continued his hasty advance towards the river to which he had been dispatched, marshalled his army as noiselessly as the occasion demanded, and kept ceaseless watch on every movement of the enemy. Learning that Rutilius had already encamped and was quite off his guard, and at the same time that the din of the battle in which Jugurtha was engaged was increasing, he now feared lest the lieutenant should discover what was happening, and assist his hard-pressed comrades. In his distrust of his men's courage he had drawn up his line in close order, but he now extended it so as to block the enemy's march, and in this order advanced against the camp of Rutilius.

   LIII. The Romans, whose view was shut off by a plantation of trees, were suddenly aware of a great cloud of dust. At first they thought it was the dry soil being blown about by the wind; they noticed, however, that its advance was steady and like that of an army in battle order, and that it approached even nearer and nearer. At last, understanding what was really happening, they hastily seized their arms, and, in obedience to order, took up a position in front of the camp. The distance between the two armies diminished, and they charged each other with a loud shout. The Numidians stood their ground only as long as they thought to find help in their elephants; as soon as they saw them entangled in the branches of the trees and thus scattered and surrounded, they took to flight, and most of them, with the loss of their arms, escaped whole and sound under cover of the hill and of the night, which was now falling. Of the elephants four were captured, the rest, to the number of forty, were killed.
   The Romans were tired with marching, camp-making, and fighting, and were flushed with their victory. The arrival, however, of Metellus was unexpectedly delayed, and they advanced to meet him ready for battle and on the alert; for the stratagems of the Numidians forbade any relaxation of vigilance. The night was dark, and the two armies, when now not far apart, each inspired the other with terror and confusion by its noise as if on an enemy's approach. In this state of ignorance a pitiable disaster was on the point of happening, when the horsemen who were dispatched from both armies discovered the truth. As it was, fear was suddenly exchanged for joy. The soldiers hailed each other in triumph, and heard and related their several exploits; each man was loud in praising his prowess to the skies. Thus is it in the affairs of men; in victory even the cowards may boast, while calamity casts a slur even on the brave.

   LIV. Remaining four days in the same encampment, Metellus made the recovery of the wounded his care, rewarded those who had done good service in the battles according to military custom, and praised and thanked the whole body of his troops in a public speech. He exhorted them to maintain a like spirit in the face of the easy tasks which still remained, and assured them that they had already fought enough for victory, and that the rest of their toils would be for booty. In the meantime, however, he sent deserters and other suitable agents to discover where Jugurtha might be living, and how he was employed; whether he was at the head of a few followers or of an army, and how he bore himself under a defeat. The king, I should mention, had withdrawn to a woody country of natural strength, and was there collecting an army, greater in numbers, but without vigor or strength, and composed of men more skilled in the art of the husbandman or shepherd than in that of war. The cause of this was, that with the exception of the royal cavalry, no Numidian attends the king after a rout; they disperse to whatever quarter they severally feel inclined, and this is not esteemed a military offense, but is the custom of the country.
   Metellus saw that Jugurtha's spirit was still high, and that a war was being renewed the conduct of which must depend on his adversary's pleasure; between himself and his enemies the contest was unequal, for their defeats were less costly than his own victories. He determined, therefore, to carry on the war not by battles nor in battle array, but in another fashion altogether. Accordingly he marched into the richest parts of Numidia, wasted the country, captured and burnt many strongholds and towns which had either been hastily fortified or left without a garrison, slew all the adult males, and ordered everything else to be the soldiers' booty. Amid the terror thus inspired, many persons were surrendered to the Romans as hostages, corn and other useful provisions were supplied in abundance, and a garrison was stationed wherever there seemed occasion. This policy had a much greater effect in frightening the king than any battle lost by his soldiers. He whose whole hope lay in flight found himself obliged to pursue, and though he had been unable to protect his country when his own, he had now to wage war in it when the enemy was its master. He embraced the course which seemed best with the means at his disposal, and ordered the greater part of his army to conceal itself in a fixed position, while he himself with some picked cavalry pursued Metellus. By a series of night marches along unfrequented roads he escaped notice and suddenly attacked a straggling body of Romans. Most of them were cut down in their defenseless condition, many were captured, and not one of the whole number made his escape unhurt. Before relief could arrive from the camp, the Numidians, according to their orders, withdrew to the neighboring hills.

   LV. Meanwhile at Rome great rejoicing arose on the intelligence of the doings of Metellus, of his adherence to ancient custom in his government of himself and his army, of the victory which, though in an unfavorable position, his valor had won him, of his mastery of the enemy's country, and of how he had reduced Jugurtha, whose glory had been raised so high by the carelessness of Aulus Albinius, to place his hope of safety in a retreat to the deserts. The Senate, therefore, decreed thanksgivings to the immortal gods for the campaign so happily conducted, and the citizens, who had been alarmed and anxious as to the issue of the war, regained their cheerfulness. Of Metellus men spoke in the most distinguished terms.
   The general now redoubled his efforts for victory and used every means of dispatch; he was cautious, however, nowhere to expose himself to the enemy, and remembered that envy follows close upon reputation. The more his fame increased the greater was his anxiety, and, after Jugurtha's treacherous attacks, he no longer scattered his army on plundering expeditions. When corn or fodder was needed certain cohorts of the infantry, together with the whole of the cavalry, acted as a guard. Part of the army he led in person, the rest were under Marius, but it was rather by fire than by rapine that he wasted the country. The two generals pitched their camps at no great distance from each other; where strength was required they united their forces, on other occasions they kept apart, so as to spread flight and terror the wider. At this period Jugurtha was following them along the hills, seeking a suitable line and position for a fight. Ascertaining what was to be the route of the enemy, he would destroy the fodder as well as the springs, of which there was a scarcity. Showing himself at one time to Metellus, at another to Marius, he would attack their rear-ranks and immediately retreat to the hills, to recommence his threatening demonstrations first in one quarter, then in another. He neither gave battle nor allowed the enemy rest, and contented himself with hampering them in their projects.

   LVI. The Roman general saw that he was being exhausted by this strategy, and that no offer of battle was made by the enemy. He determined, therefore, to besiege a large town named Zama, the key of that part of the kingdom in which it was situated, thinking that, as the occasion demanded, Jugurtha would come to the relief of his subjects in their strait, and that there would be a battle before the place. The king, however, was acquainted of this plan by deserters, and by forced marches outstripped Metellus, exhorted the inhabitants to defend their walls, reinforced them with a contingent of deserters (the troops who, since they could not play him false, were the most trustworthy of the royal forces), and promised in addition, that in due course he would himself come to their help with his army.
   After making these arrangements Jugurtha retired to the most secret recesses he could find. A little while afterwards he learned that Marius, with a few cohorts, had left the line of march on a mission to Sicca, there to collect corn. This town had been the first to secede from the king after his defeat. He now marched thither by night with his chosen body of horse, and attacked the Romans in the gateway as they were in the act of departure. At the same time he loudly called on the men of Sicca to surround the cohorts in the rear; fortune, he shouted, was giving them the chance of a noble achievement, if they accomplished it, henceforth he should live in fearless enjoyment of his kingdom and they of their freedom. Marius hastened to advance and get clear of the town; had he not done so the whole or a great part of the people of Sicca would assuredly have played him false. With such fickleness do the Numidians behave. As it was, Jugurtha kept his soldiers for a short while in their ranks. As soon as the enemy began to press harder, they scattered in flight after losing a few of their number.

   LVII. Marius next arrived before Zama. This town, situated on a plain, was strong rather by art than by nature, was abundantly provided with every requisite, and well supplied both with arms and men. After making such preparations as his circumstances and the nature of the ground allowed, Metellus surrounded the whole extent of the walls with his troops, and assigned to each of his officers his post of command. At a given signal a shout rose simultaneously from every quarter, but without terrifying the Numidians, who stood their ground without confusion, hostile and on the alert. The battle then began. The Romans fought each according to his temper. Some discharged bullets and stones from a distance, others advanced close to the wall and tried now to undermine it, and now to storm it with ladders, showing great anxiety to bring the fight to close quarters. On the other side, the townsmen rolled down stones on their nearest assailants, and flung pointed stakes and javelins, and torchwood dipped in burning pitch and sulfur. Even those who had remained at a distance found but slight protection in their timidity, for many of them were wounded by javelins hurled either from engines or by the hand, and thus brave and cowardly shared the same peril, though with very different renown.

   LVIII. While this conflict was raging around Zama, Jugurtha suddenly attacked the enemy's camp with a large force, and burst upon the gate at a time when the garrison had grown careless, and were expecting anything rather than a battle. Astounded by the sudden alarm, our men consulted their safety in such ways as their several characters inclined them; some fled, others seized their arms, while many were by this time wounded or killed. Out of all that host, however, not more than forty took thought for the honor of Rome. These formed themselves into a body, and seizing a position a little higher than the rest, defied all efforts to dislodge them, hurling back the darts discharged at them from a distance, and, as a few men amid a host, more rarely missing their aim. Whenever the Numidians attacked them at close quarters they displayed prodigies of valor, and slaughtered, scattered, and routed them with the greatest vigor. Meanwhile, Metellus, as he was pressing on the siege with much energy, heard the nosie of an attack in his rear. Turning his horse, he observed that the flight was towards himself, which showed the fugitives to be his own soldiers. In all haste he dispatched the whole of his cavalry to the camp, followed immediately afterwards by the cohorts of the allies under Gaius Marius, whom, with tears in his eyes, he besought, in the name of their friendship and of the state, not to allow reproach to claeve to their victorious army; nor to permit the enemy to escape unpunished. Marius quickly carried out his orders. Jugurtha found himself entangled in the entrenchments of the camp, and seeing some of his men hurled headlong over the ramparts, and others, in their hurry, blocking each other's way amid the narrow paths, withdrew, with a heavy loss, to his strongholds. Metellus, whose own operations had been unsuccessful, on the arrival of night returned with his army to the camp.

   LIX. The next day, before marching out to the attack, he ordered the whole of the cavalry to patrol before the camp, on the side by which the king had made his approach, and assigned the charge of the different gates and the neighboring points to the different tribunes. He then marched up to the town and attacked the wall as on the former day. While he was so engaged, Jugurtha suddenly dashed upon our men from an ambush. Those who had been posted nearest to his point of attack were for the moment frightened and thrown into confusion; the rest, however, quickly came to their aid. The Numidians could now have no longer stood their ground had not their infantry mingled with the horsemen made great havoc in the encounter. In reliance on these, instead of following the usual cavalry tactics of alternate pursuit and retreat, they charged horse against horse, and entangled and confused our ranks, and thus, by the help of their light infantry, almost defeated their enemy.

   LX. Meantime the conflict was raging around Zama. The struggle was fiercest at the several points where a lieutenant or tribune was in command, and no one trusted to his neighbor's valor instead of his own. The townspeople showed no less vigor. At every point there was assault and preparations to meet it. On each side men were more eager to wound their opponents than to defend themselves. Shouts of encouragements, joy, and pain arose to heaven amid the din of arms, while darts were flying from side to side. When the enemy for awhile slackened in their attack, the defenders of the wall watched with eagerness the distant cavalry engagement. As Jugurtha's fortunes rose and fell you might mark them now rejoicing and now in fear. As if they could be heard or seen by their comrades, some shouted warnings, others encouragement, while they beckoned and gesticulated, and swayed their bodies, as if to avoid or hurl the darts. Marius, who was in command at this point, marked their behavior, and feigning despair, purposely slackened the attack, and suffered the Numidians to gaze without disturbance at the king's encounter. As soon as they were strongly engrossed in anxiety for their comrades, he suddenly assaulted the wall with the utmost violence, and his soldiers had already climbed their ladders and almost seized the battlements, when the townspeople rallied and met them with a shower of stones, fire, and other missiles. Our men at first stood their ground; then, as one ladder after another was broken, and those who had stood on them dashed to the ground, the remnant, some whole and sound, but many sorely wounded, made their retreat as best they could. At last night broke off the engagement.

   LXI. Metellus saw that his attempt was vain. The town was not captured, Jugurtha never gave battle except in surprises or on ground of his own choosing, and the summer was already past. He now retreated from Zama, and, after placing garrisons in such of the towns which had seceded to him as were sufficiently protected by their position or fortifications, led the rest of his army to its station in that part of the province which borders on Numidia. He did not, however, follow the custom of other commanders and surrender that season to repose and luxury, but, since the war was little advanced by force of arms, aimed a secret attack against the king by means of his friends, and prepared to use their treachery instead of arms. The man who, as Jugurtha's greatest friend, had the greatest power of deceiving him, was Bomilcar, the same who had been with him at Rome, and, after giving sureties in the matter of Massiva's death, had fled to escape trial. To this man Metellus now applied with many promises, and induced him as a first step, to visit him secretly for the sake of a conference, and then pledged his word that on his surrendering Jugurtha dead or alive, the Senate would grant him a full pardon and possession of all his goods. These offers easily won over the Numidian, who, besides his natural inclination to treachery, was alarmed lest in the event of peace being concluded with Rome, his own surrender for punishment might be one of the terms of the treaty.

   LXII. On the first favorable occasion, Bomilcar approached Jugurtha at a moment when he was troubled and lamenting his fortunes, and advised and conjured him with tears at last to take thought for himself and his children and the Numidian people who had deserved so well of him. He reminded him that they had been beaten in every battle, his country wasted, many of his subjects made prisoner or killed, and the resources of his kingdom utterly impaired; the courage of his soldiers and the favor of fortune had already been tried sufficiently often; he implored him to be on his guard lest, while he was hesitating, the Numidians should take counsel for themselves. By these and other like arguments, Bomilcar incited the king to surrender, and ambassadors were dispatched to the general to announce that Jugurtha was ready to comply with his orders, and offered to surrender himself and his kingdom to his protection without any stipulation. Metellus hastily ordered all persons of senatorial rank to be summoned from their winter quarters, and held an assembly of these and such other persons as he himself thought fit. According, therefore, to ancient custom, by the decree of his council he sent through the ambassadors his commands to Jugurtha to deliver up two hundred thousand pounds of silver, all his elephants, and a large number of horses and suits of armor. These commands were complied with without delay, and he now ordered that all his deserters should be brought to him in chains. The greater number were delivered to him in obedience to these orders; a few, as soon as the surrender began, had escaped to Mauritania, to king Bocchus. After being thus plundered of arms, men, and money, Jugurtha was summoned in person to Tisidium, there to await further orders. On this he began once more to waver in his resolution, and, in consciousness of his guilt, to fear the punishment he deserved. After wasting many days in hesitation, during which at one moment in disgust at his ill-fortune he thought anything preferable to war, at another he considered how great would be the fall from king to slave, he at last resumed the war, after vainly sacrificing many of his chief means of defense. At Rome the Senate, when consulted as to the disposition of the province, had decreed Numidia to Metellus.

   LXIII. About the same time it happened that, as Gaius Marius was invoking the gods in sacrifice, the diviner informed him that there were portents of great and wonderful events, and that he should therefore carry out in reliance on the gods whatever projects he had in his mind; let him try fortune as often as he would, the issue would always be favorable. Even before this, Marius had been tormented with a great desire for the consulship, for attaining which he was, indeed, well endowed with every qualification except that of ancient family. He was energetic, upright, of wide experience in warfare, and immense courage in battle. In domestic life he was frugal, unconquered by lust and riches, and only covetous of glory.
   The birthplace of Marius was Arpinum, and there he spent his boyhood. As soon as he was of an age for military service, he practised himself not in Greek oratory or in elegant accomplishments, but in campaigning; and thus amid honorable pursuits his character quickly developed, unimpaired. On his seeking election as a military tribune few people even knew him by sight, but the fame of his exploits procured his return by every tribe. Beginning with this, he won successive magistracies, and always so conducted himself in office as to be esteemed worthy of a more important post than the one he held. Such was the quality he had shown hitherto (for afterwards his thirst for popularity worked his ruin), and yet he did not dare to stand for the consulship. Even as late as this the commons had entrance to other magistracies, but the consulship was preserved by the nobility as the hereditary possession of their order. No self-made man was so distinguished or had performed such noble deeds as to be held worthy of that office, or other than unclean.

   LXIV. When Marius saw that the words of the diviner pointed in the same direction as his own desires were spurring him, he asked leave of absense from Metellus, in order to stand as a candidate. Metellus was eminently endowed with courage, renown, and much else that good men might desire; he had, however, that evil so common with men of rank, a scornful and haughty temper. At first, astonished by so unusual an occurrence, he expressed surprise at Marius' project, and advised him, with an appearance of friendship, not to enter upon so improper a course, nor to cherish thoughts above his fortunes; it was not everything, he said, that all men were free to desire; Marius ought to be content with his position, and, in fine, should be careful not to demand from the Roman people a favor which they would rightly deny him. Finding that these and other arguments did not change Marius' resolution, Metellus answered him with a promise to do what he asked, as soon as the public business would allow. When, however, the request was subsequently repeated with some frequency, he is said to have remarked that Marius hsould be in no hurry to depart, as it would be time enough for him to stand for the consulship in the same year as his own son, a youth of about twenty, who was serving at the time in the war and sharing his father's tent. This remark, as was afterwards seen, strongly excited Marius to efforts to gain the office to which he aspired, and to enmity towards Metellus. He set to work under the influence of ambition and anger, those worst of counsellors, and refrained from no act or speech that might gain him popularity. He treated the soldiers whom he commanded in the winter quarters with more indulgence than before; and, at the same time, spread slanderous and boastful insinuations about the war among the traders, of whom there were many at Attica. Were but the half of the army, he said, entrusted to him, in a few days he would have Jugurtha in chains: the general was purposely procrastinating war in the excessive delight which a frivolous man of regal haughtiness took in authority. These insinuations seemed to the traders all the better grounded, inasmuch as the length of the war had impaired their fortunes, and to the eager mind no haste is sufficient.

   LXV. There was, moreover, in our army a Numidian named Gauda, a son of Mastanbal and grandson of Massinissa, whom Micipsa, when spent with disease, and with his mental powers thus somewhat impaired, had appointed in his will as his second heir. Gauda had requested Metellus to assign him, as a prince, a seat next to own, and, again, on a subsequent occasion, to grant him a squadron of Roman cavalry as a bodyguard. Both of these requests Metellus refused--the seat of honor, because, by custom it belonged only to those whom the Roman people recognized as kings; the guard, inasmuch as it would be an insult to Roman cavalry to consign them as attendants to a Numidian. Marius made advances to Gauda in his trouble, and encouraged him to try, with his help, to avenge himself on the general for these insults. Inflating with fair speeches a mind which diseases had enfeebled, he represented to Gauda that he was a king, an important person, and the grandson of Massinissa; should Jugurtha be captured or slain, he would have immediate possession of the kingdom of Numidia, and this might quickly be brought to pass, if he himself were dispatched as consul to direct the war. In this way, not only Gauda but the Roman knights, the soldiers, and traders, were incited, some by Marius personally, many by the hope of peace, to speak bitterly of Metellus' conduct of the war in their letters to their connections at Rome, and to ask for Marius as general. It thus came to pass that many persons sought to gain the consulship for him with the most honorable recommendations, while, just at this period, the commons, after routing the nobility by the Mamilian law, were supporting men of no birth as candidates; thus everything combined to favor Marius.

   LXVI. In the meantime Jugurtha, after breaking off his surrender and renewing the war, was zealously making all possible preparations, showing great activity, and collecting an army. He tried by threats and by holding out rewards to gain over the cities which had deserted him, fortified his own positions, replaced by manufacture or purchase the armor, weapons, and other material which he had sacrificed in the hope of peace; attracted bodies of Roman slaves, and with his money tampered even with the Roman garrisons. In a word, he left nothing untried, no stone unturned, but adopted every possible expedient. When Jugurtha had first opened negotiations for peace, Metellus had imposed a garrison on the town of Vaga. At the importune entreaty of the king, to whom, at heart, the inhabitants had never been disloyal, the chief citizens now formed a conspiracy. As for the common people, they, as usual, especially with Numidians, were of an inconstant temper, rebellious, and full of discord, eager for change, the enemies of peace and quietness. Arranging their plans among themselves, they agreed to carry them out on the third day, which was one observed as a festival throughout all Africa, and promised rather sport and wantonness than alarm. When the time arrived the centurions, military tribunes, and the governor of the town, Titus Turpilius Silanus, himself, were invited by different citizens to their homes, and all, with the exception of Turpilius, massacred in the course of the banquet. The conspirators then attacked the soldiers who were wandering about unarmed as was natural on such a day, and in the absense of their officers. The common people followed their example, some instructed by the nobles, others urged only by their zeal for such work; these were ignorant of what had been done and the purpose of it, but found in the mere rioting and revolution enough to content them.

   LXVII. The Roman soldiers, baffled by so unexpected an alarm, and not knowing what best to do, fell into confusion. A force of the enmy barred their path to the citadel, where their standards and shields were deposited; the gates, previously closed, prevented their flight, and the women and children standing on the edge of the roofs zealously hurled at them stones and such other missiles as were at hand. Against so baffling a danger no precautions could be taken, and the bravest soldiers could make no resistance to these weakest of opponents. Good and bad, stout and cowardly were alike massacred unavenged. Amid these outrages, when the cruelty of the Numidians was at its height and every gate shut, the governor, Turpilius, was the single Italian who escaped unharmed. Whether this was the result of his host's compassion, of a bargain, or of chance, I cannot assure myself. Inasmuch, however, as in such a calamity he preferred a shameful life to unspotted honor, he seems to have been a worthless and execrable character.

   LXVIII. Metellus, on receiving news of the event at Vaga, for a short while retired in sorrow from the public gaze. As soon as anger began to mingle with his grief, he hastened with the utmost zeal to avenge the wrong. Exactly at sunset he led out the legions with which he was in winter quarters, and as many Numidian horsemen as he could muster, lightly equipped. About the third hour of the next day he arrived at a plain surrounded on all sides by somewhat higher ground. His soldiers, tired with their long march, were inclined to be mutinous, when Metellus laid the matter before them, told them that Vaga was not more than a mile distant, and that they ought cheerfully to submit to the rest of their toil so long as they could avenge their fellow citizens, those bravest and most unfortunate of men. In addition, he generously promised them the booty. After thus raising their spirits, he ordered the cavalry to go in front in skirmishing order, and the infantry to follow with their ranks as close as possible, and their ensigns concealed.

   LXIX. The people of Vaga, on perceiving that an army was marching in their direction, at first conjectured rightly that it was Metellus, and closed their gates. When, however, they noticed that their lands were not being wasted, and that the van was composed of Numidian cavalry, they changed their minds, and, thinking it was Jugurtha who was coming, went forth to meet him with great rejoicing. Suddenly, part of the cavalry and infantry at a given signal cut to pieces the crowd which had poured out of the town, while others hurried to the gates, and others seized the towers; rage and the hope of plunder overcame their weariness. The men of Vaga rejoiced in their treachery for only two days; the whole of that great and wealthy city was now given over to vengeance and plunder. Turpilius, the governor of the town, who, as explained above, was the only man who escaped the massacre, was ordered by Metellus to stand his trial. He excused his conduct but lamely, was condemned and, as a Latin citizen, punished by scourging and decapitation.

   LXX. About the same time Bomilcar, at whose instigation Jugurtha had begun the surrender which he afterwards abandoned through fear, having incurred the king's suspicion, and being suspected by him in turn, was now desirous of a change of affairs. After wearying his mind day and night in seeking some plot to work Jugurtha's destruction, he at last, in the course of his innumerable efforts, took to himself as an accomplice a noble named Nabdalsa, (a man of great wealth, and beloved and esteemed by his countrymen,) who generally held an independent command, and carried out all tasks which Jugurtha, either from weariness or from attention to weighter matters, had left unfulfilled. In this way he had acquired both renown and wealth. By agreement between the two conspirators, a day was fixed for their treachery; everything else they thought best to arrange at the moment, as occasion might demand. Nabdalsa set out for his army, which, according to his orders, he was keeping between the outer stations of the Romans, to prevent the enemy from ravaging the country with impunity. Confounded by the greatness of the crime, he did not appear at the time agreed on, and his cowardice prevented the execution of the plot. Bomilcar was eager to carry out his designs, but as the same time was disconcerted by the timidity of his accomplice. Fearful lest, now that Nabdalsa had abandoned his original plan, he might form some new one, he dispatched a letter to him by trusty messengers. In this letter, after reproaching him for his lack of resolution and energy, and calling to witness the gods by whom he had sworn, he warned him not to turn the bribes of Metellus to his destruction, and showed that Jugurtha's ruin was near at hand, and that the only question was whether he should perish by their courage or by that of Metellus: Nabdalsa should consider, therefore, whether he preferred rewards or a miserable death.

   LXXI. When this letter was delivered, Nabdalsa happened to be fatigued, and was resting on a couch. After acquainting himself with the message of Bomilcar, at first anxiety, and then, as often happens, sleep took possession of his troubled spirit. In his service was a certain Numidian who took charge of his affairs, much trusted and esteemed by him, and the sharer in all but this latest of his designs. Hearing that a letter had been brought, and custom making him think that his own help and ability would be needed, this man now entered the tent, took the letter while his master slept, as it lay carelessly on a cushion above his head, read it through, and, learning the treachery intended, hastened to the king. Shortly afterwards Nabdalsa awoke, and, on failing to find the letter, understood exactly what had happened. At first he tried to overtake his betrayer, then, finding the attempt fruitless, he approached Jugurtha with the object of appeasing him, declared that the treachery of his retainer had anticipated the step which had had himself determined to take, and tearfully besought him by their friendship, and by the proofs which he had hitherto given of his loyalty, not to suspect him of such an enormity.

   LXXII. Dissembling his real feelings, the king returned him a mild answer. After putting to death Bomilcar, and many others whom he discovered to have shared in his treachery, he seems to have stifled his anger for fear lest the matter might give rise to a rebellion. From that time no day or night brought peace to Jugurtha; he never trusted place, man, or season, feared his countrymen no less than the enemy, pried into every corner, and was terrified at every sound. At night he rested sometimes at one place, sometimes at another, often where it little fitted his royal dignity, and now and again, on waking from sleep, would seize his arms and raise an outcry; so tormented was he by a terror which verged on madness.

   LXXIII. On hearing from deserters of the fate of Bomilcar, and the betrayal of the plot, Metellus once more made every preparation, and hastened to renew the war. Marius was wearying him as to his departure, and was, at the same time, hateful and hostile to him personally; thinking him, therefore, an unsatisfactory lieutenant, he dismissed him home.
   At Rome, the commons, on learning the purport of the letters which had been dispatched on the subject of Metellus and Marius, had very readily believed the characters respectively assigned them. The noble birth which had hitherto been an honor to the general now made him unpopular, while humble descent brought his rival into favor. In each case men's judgment was guided rather by party spirit than by the good or bad qualities of these two officers. Turbulent magistrates, moreover, excited the crowd, impeached Metellus at every public meeting, and exaggerated the merit of Marius. At last the commons were so aroused that all the artisans and country people, whose fortunes and credit lay only in their hands, abandoned their work to attend on Marius, and thus postponed their own necessities to his dignity. The nobility were defeated, and the consulship after many years was entrusted to a man of no birth. Later on, the tribune of the commons, Titus Manlius Mancinus, demanded of the people whom they wished to conduct the war with Jugurtha, and in a full assembly the people ordered that Marius should have the command. I should mention that, a little before this, the Senate had decreed that Gaul should be his province; but this measure was useless.

   LXXIV. At the same time, Jugurtha, who had lost his friends, many of whom he had himself put to death, while of the rest, some in their terror had escaped to the Romans, others to king Bocchus, now found that it was impossible to carry on the war without lieutenants. Amid such treachery, however, on the part of his old officers he thought it dangerous to try the loyalty of new ones, and was changeable and uncertain in his plans. Discontented with every man, measure, and counsel, he changed his route and his officers from day to day; marched now against the enemy, and now into desert places, often rested his hopes in flight, and then, a moment afterwards, in arms. He doubted whether he could trust the courage or the loyalty of his countrymen the less, and thus, to whatever quarter he turned, found everything opposed to him. While he was in this state of inactivity, Metellus suddenly appeared at the head of an army, and Jugurtha equipped and marshalled the Numidians as well as time would allow; and the battle then began. In the quarter where the king was taking part in the fight the conflict lasted some time; the rest of his troops were all driven back and routed at the first charge. The Romans captured a considerable quantity of standards and arms, but only a few prisoners, for in all their battles the Numidians, as a rule, are protected rather by their feet than their swords.

   LXXV. By this defeat, Jugurtha was led to still deeper distrust of his fortunes. Taking with him the deserters and a part of his cavalry, he made his way to the wastes, and thence to Thala, a large and wealthy town where he had great treasures, and where his sons were passing their boyhood amid much splendor. When Metellus discovered this movement, although he knew that between Thala and the nearest river there lay fifty miles of parched and barren desert, yet in the hope that by gaining possession of the town he might put an end to the war, he applied himself to surmount every difficulty, and conquer even nature herself. He ordered all the beasts of burden to be relieved of their packs, with the exception of provision for ten days, and that only skins and other vessels suitable for holding should be carried. He collected also from the fields as many trained oxen as he could, and on these placed vessels of every description, but mostly wooden, which he had got together from the huts of the Numidians. He then ordered the men of the neighborhood ( who, after the king's defeat, had made submission to Metellus) to bring, each of them, as much water as he could, and announced the day and place for them to appear. He himself loaded his beasts from the river, which, as I mentioned above, was the nearest water to the town; and, thus equipped, set out for Thala. On arriving at the place where he had enjoined the Numidians to meet him, the camp was hardly pitched and fortified when suddenly so much rain is said to have fallen from the heavens that this alone provided the army with water enough and to spare. Their supplies, too, surpassed their expectatons, for the Numidians, like most newly-submitted peoples, had exceeded the services required of them. The soldiers, however, from a religious feeling, preferred to use the rain water, and its fall added greatly to their courage by making them think themselves under the protection of the immortal gods. On the next day, to the surprise of Jugurtha, they made their way to Thala. The inhabitants, who had deemed themselves protected by the difficulties of the country, were astounded by so great and unusual a feat. They prepared, however, for the conflict with undaunted energy, and our men did the same.

   LXXVI. The king now believed that nothing was impossible to Metellus, whose energy he had seen overcome all things--arms and weapons, situations, and seasons, and even nature herself, who ruled all other men. He, therefore, made his escape from the town by night, taking with him his children, and a great part of his money. Henceforth, he never abode in any place for longer than a single day or night, pretending that he was hurried away by business, but really from fear of treachery. This he thought he might avoid by the quickness of his movements, as such designs require leisure and a favorable occasion for their achievement. To return to Metellus; on seeing that the townspeople were ready for battle, and, at the same time, that the town was protected both by its works and its situation, he surrounded the walls with a rampart and ditch. He then pushed forward mantlets at the most suitable points that offered, threw up a mound, and by erecting towers on it protected his work and his helpers. To meet these measures the townspeople were active in their preparations; nothing, in fine, on either side was left undone. At last the Romans, wearied by much previous toil, and by the battles they had fought, on the fortieth day after their arrival gained possession of the town, and that alone; all the booty had been destroyed by the deserters. These, on seeing that rams were battering the wall, and that their fortunes were ruined, brought the gold, silver, and whatever else was of highest value, to the royal palace. There they ladened themselves with wine and the banquet, and then destroyed the booty, the house, and their own lives, by fire; they thus voluntarily paid the very penalty which they had feared to receive from their enemies in case of defeat.

 

The Jugurthine War by Gaius Crispus Sallust

Chapters 77 - 114

   LXXVII. Simultaneously with the capture of Thala, deputies had come to Metellus from the town of Leptis, beseeching him to send thither a garrison and governor. According to their account, a certain Hamilcar, a man of good birth and intriguing disposition, was eager for a change in affairs, and the commands of the magistrates and the authority of the law were powerless against him; should Metellus delay, their safety, allies of Rome as they were, would be in the greatest danger. The people of Leptis, I should mention, long before this, at the very beginning of the [Jugurthine] war, had sent to the consul Bestia, and subsequently to Rome itself, to request friendship and alliance. On obtaining their prayer, they remained ever honest and loyal, and had strenuously carried out all the commands of Bestia, Albinus, and Metellus. The general, therefore, readily granted their petition, and sent to their town four cohorts of Ligurians, and Gaius Annius as governor.

   LXXVIII. Leptis was founded by Sidonians who, as I learn, were exiled on account of internal dissensions, and came to these parts by sea. It is situated between the two Syrtes, whose name was given them from their nature. These are two bays which lie almost on the verge of Africa, of unequal size but like character. Near land they are very deep; elsewhere, as it chances, in some places deep, in others, when a storm is blowing, full of shoals. When the sea gets high and struggles with the wind, the waves draw down mud, sand, and huge stones; and thus the appearance of these parts changes with every change of the wind. It is this power of suction from which they are called Syrtes. Intermarriage with the Numidians changed nothing more than the language of the people of Leptis; the greater part of their laws and civilization is Sidonian, and this they have the more easily retained owing to their distance from the king's government, for between them and the more populous part of Numidia lay many miles of desert.

   LXXIX. As the affairs of the people of Leptis have taken me into these regions, it seems not unbecoming to record a splendid and memorable deed of two Carthaginians, of which the mention of the country has reminded me. In the period when the Carthaginians were rulers over the greater part of Africa, Cyrene also was a great and wealthy city. The intervening country was sandy and monotonous, without river or mountain to mark the boundary of their dominions. This fact kept them in a desperate and prolonged war; armies and fleets had often been defeated and routed on either side, and each had considerably impaired the other's strength. At last, in the fear lest some third power should presently attack both victors and vanquished in their exhausted condition, they agreed in a time of truce that on an appoint day deputies should set out from either city, and the place where they met be held the common boundary of the two peoples. Two brothers, called the Philaeni, were sent from Carthage, and these made good speed in their journey. The progress of the Cyrenians was slower, whether through laziness or accident I have not clearly ascertained; for in these parts, storms are as wont to delay the traveller as on the sea. Gathering as it sweeps across the flat and lifeless country, the wind tosses up the sand from the soil, and this is then blown along with tremendous force, and fills the face and eyes, and hinders progress by shutting off all view. The Cyrenians saw that they were somewhat behindhand, and, in their fear of being punished on their return for their failure, accused the Carthaginians of having left home before their time, tried to upset the whole proceedings, and, in fact, showed a determination to do anything rather than come off the worst. The Carthaginians then asked them to propose any other terms so long as they were fair, and on this the Greeks gave them their choice of either being themselves buried alive at the point where they demanded that their country's boundary should be set, or allowing them to advance as far as they like on the same condition. The Philaeni approved of the terms, and sacrificed their own persons and lives to the public good. Accordingly they were buried alive. The Carthaginians dedicated altars to the brothers on the spot, and other honors were ordained to them in the city. I now return to my subject.

   LXXX. After the loss at Thala, Jugurtha thought he had no sufficient safeguard against Metellus. He set out, therefore, with a few companions, and made his way through vast deserts to the Gaetulians, a wild and uncivilized tribe, at that time ignorant of the name of Rome. Of this people he collected a host, and in a short time accustomed them to keep the ranks, follow the standards, obey commands, and behave in other respects like regular soldiers. Besides this, by means of great gifts and greater promises, he prevailed on those immediately about King Bocchus to be zealous in his service, and, with these to aid him, approached the king and induced him to take up arms against the Romans. This task was the more easily and readily accomplished, inasmuch as Bocchus, at the outset of this war, had sent an embassy to Rome to ask for a treaty of friendship. The conclusion of such a treaty, which would have been most advantageous for the war then newly begun, was prevented by the blind avarice of a clique accustomed to sell every service, whether honorable or the reverse. Bocchus, moreover, had previously married a daughter of Jugurtha, though this tie is held of slight importance among Numidians and Mauritanians, inasmuch as everyone has as many wives as he can afford, some ten, some more, and the kings a proportionately greater number. The mind is thus distracted by numbers; no wife holds the place of a partner, but all are held equally cheap.

   LXXXI. The two kings now assembled their armies at a place they had agreed on. Pledges were there given and received, and Jugurtha roused the spirit of Bocchus by an harangue. The Romans, he said, were unjust, of fathomless greed, and the common enemy of all peoples; they had the same reason for a war with Bocchus as with himself and other races--their lust, namely, for empire, which made them see an enemy in every kingdom; it was now himself who was the Roman's foe, a little before it had been the Carthaginians, then King Perses, and thereafter it would always be the richest victim they could find. After these and similar speeches, they determined on a march against the town of Cirta, as the place where Metellus had deposited his spoil, captives, and heavy baggage. Jugurtha thought that they would either be rewarded by the capture of the town, or that, should the Romans advance to its relief, a battle would be fought. In his crafty policy, the only thing for which he was eager was to lessen Bocchus' chance of peace, lest, if there should be any procrastination, he might prefer some other course to war.

   LXXXII. On learning of the alliance between the kings, the general no longer offered battle rashly, or, as after his many defeats of Jugurtha, he had been wont to do, in every position. He awaited the two kings in a fortified camp not far from Cirta, thinking it would be better to fight at his convenience after learning the quality of the Mauritanians, since they had joined in the war as a new enemy.
   Meanwhile he was informed by dispatches from Rome that his province had been assigned to Marius, the news of whose election to the consulship he had received previously. These events affected him more than was either right or honorable; he could neither restrain his tears nor govern his tongue. Though distinguished in other accomplishments, he bore vexation in too womanish a manner. Some construed his behavior as a mark of pride; others as the outcome of a noble spirit inflamed by insult; many, again, as caused by the feeling that the victory he had practically won was being wrested from his hands. For myself, I am assured that it was rather the honor conferred upon Marius than his own wrongs which tormented him, and that he would have borne the blow more equably if the province of which he was deprived had been assigned to any other than Marius.

   LXXXIII. Burdened by this grief, and thinking it foolish to charge himself with another man's work to his own peril, Metellus sent ambassadors to Bocchus to desire him not to become an enemy to the Roman people without a cause. They were to urge that the king had at this time an opportunity of cementing a friendship and alliance; that this was far preferable to war, and that, despite his confidence in his resources, it was unwise to exchange the certain for the doubtful; every war was easy to enter on, most difficult to abandon; to begin and to end it were not in the power of the same person; even a coward might do the first, the time for the second was fixed by the victor's will; Bocchus, therefore, should take thought for himself and his kingdom, and should be careful not to involve his own prosperity in the ruined fortunes of Jugurtha. To this message the king returned a conciliatory answer, to the effect that he was desirous of peace, but pitied the misfortunes of Jugurtha. If the same opportunity were given to the latter, a treaty was assured. The general sent fresh messengers in reply to the proposals of Bocchus, who accepted some of his terms, and declined others. In this manner the time passed in the frequent interchange of messages, and the war, as Metellus wished, was prolonged without activity on either side.

   LXXXIV. As I narrated above, Marius, to the great delight of the commons, had been elected consul. Previously hostile to the nobility, after his appointment by the people to the province of Numidia, he attacked them with even greater vigor and spirit, railing, now at individuals, and now at the whole body, boasting that he had won the consulship as his spoil after their defeat, and in other ways exalting himself and annoying them. Meanwhile, he attached most importance to the necessary provision for the war, demanded that the strength of his legions should be raised, and summoned reinforcements from the tributary peoples and kings, and from the allies. He invited, moreover, all the bravest men from Latium, with most of whom he had been acquainted in the field, while a few he knew by report. His solicitations also constrained veterans who had served their time to set out under his command. The Senate, though hostile to him, did not dare to deny him on any point. The reinforcements it had voted with actual pleasure, under the idea that military service was distasteful to the commons, and that Marius would lose either the requisites of war or the favor of the crowd. This hope, however, was vain, so great a desire for accompanying Marius had seized men's minds. Everyone thought that he would be enriched with booty and return home victorious, and pondered over other like ideas in his mind. They had been, moreover, not a little excited by a speech of Marius; who, after all his demands had been voted, and his desire was now to enlist soldiers, summoned a meeting of the people, in order to encourage them and at the same time to indulge in his usual invective against the nobility. His speech was as follows:--

   LXXXV. "I am aware, Romans, that the qualities which most men show in their behavior after election are very different from those with which they sought your suffrages; and that the energetic, humble, and unambitious character of their previous is then changed for sloth and insolence. My views, however, are very different from theirs; for in proportion as the state as a whole exceeds the consulship or praetorship in importance, by so much ought our diligence in its government to exceed that with which we seek these offices. I am not insensible to the greatness of the burden which, by your distinguished favor, I have to bear. To prepare for war without straining the treasury, to press into service men whom one is unwilling to offend, to superintend every detail at home and abroad, and to do all this amid the jealousy of hostile intriguers, is harder, Romans, than can be conceived. Again, if others commit an error, their ancient family, the brave deeds of their ancestors, the wealth of their kinsmen and connections, and troops of clients are all at hand to defend them. I have to place my whole hopes in my own person: I must needs protect them by my merit and integrity, for I have no other help in which I can trust. I understand, too, Romans, that the eyes of all men are upon me, and that, while, inasmuch as my services advance the state, fair and honest men are in my favor, the nobility are seeking some point of attack. I must, therefore, strive with the greater energy both that you may not be deceived in me, and that your enemies may be disappointed. My life, from boyhood to the present day, has been such as to make me familiar with every toil and danger; nor, Romans, do I intend, now that I have received my reward, to abandon the course of conduct which, previously to your kindness, I voluntarily pursued. Men who, in their desire for popularity, have assumed the mask of virtue, find it hard to restrain themselves when in power; I, who have passed my whole life in the most honorable pursuits, now find that uprightness has passed from habit into nature."
   "You have commanded me to conduct the war with Jugurtha, and at this the nobility have taken deep offense. Consider, I pray you, whether it would be a change for the better were you to dispatch either on this or on any like commission, some member of that ring of nobles, some scion of an ancient house who could boast of the effigies of his many ancestors, but of never a campaign; and allow him on an affair of this importance, to hurry and bustle about in his utter ignorance and take some man of the people to instruct him in his duty. For, I assure you, it is nothing uncommon for the man to whom you have given command to look to some other for his orders. I myself, Romans, have known cases of consuls who, after their election, have begun to read the old chronicles and the Greek manuals of warfare; men, these, who begin at the wrong end, for though th conduct of wars follows the appointment to them in order of time, in the order of nature and experience it precedes it. With these proud ones, Romans, compare me, the self-made man. The things of which they are wont to hear or read, I have either seen or have myself performed; and the knowledge which they get from books, I have acquired by active service. I leave it to you to consider whether deeds or maxims are the more important. They despise my lack of family; I their cowardice. In my teeth men cast my fortune; in theirs, their infamous deeds. For my own part I think that all men have one common nature, and that it is the bravest who are the noblest. If to the fathers of Albinus or Bestia the question could now be put whether they would prefer me or them as their descendants, what other answer think you they would return than that they wished to have the best for their children? Again, if these men are right in despising me, let them do the same to their ancestors, whose nobility, like my own, sprang from their merit. They are jealous of the dignity conferred on me; why are they not jealous of my energy, my integrity, yes, and of my dangers, since it is by these that I have gained it? Rotten with pride, they pass their days, as if they despised the dignities you can confer; yet they demand them with the air of men who have lived an honorable life. Surely they are deceived who thus hope to unite the two things of all others the most opposed--the pleasure, namely, of sloth and the rewards of merit. Again, in their speeches before yourselves or the Senate, the greater part of their harangue is a eulogy of their ancestors; for they think by dwelling on their brave deeds to increase their own reputation. Yet the very reverse often is the result, for the nobler the life of their ancestors, the more shameful is their own sloth. Indeed, the glory of forefathers is really to their descendants as a burning light, which allows neither their good deeds nor their bad to remain unnoticed. I confess, Romans, I have nothing of this kind, but I have something which is far nobler, the power, namely, to tell of doings of my own. See, then, the unfairness of these men. The privileges which they claim for themselves by right of another's merit, they do not allow me by right of my own, and this because I have no effigies of ancestors to show, and because the nobility I have is a thing of today. Yet surely to have won nobility is better than to have received and shamed it."
   "I am aware that my enemies, should they wish to answer, will be at no loss for an eloquent and studied reply. Now, however, that I am so favored by you, they attack me on every occasion; and I have, therefore, chosen not to remain silent, lest my self-restraint should be mistaken for a consciousness of guilt. For myself, indeed--I say it from my heart--no speech can hurt me; truth can speak no otherwise than favorably; falsehood is foiled by the evidence of my life and character. They impugn, however, your policy in assigning me so high an office and so weighty a task; and, so, I ask you again and again to consider whether you ought really to repent it. To inspire your trust I have no statues, triumphs, or consulships, of my ancestors, to which I point; but, if need be, I can show spears, a standard, medals, and other prizes soldiers earn, and scars dealt full upon my breast. These are my statues, these my title to nobility, and one which was not left me as a bequest, as in the case of my enemies, but which I won for myself by my many toils and dangers. My words have no studied grace; of that I think little; merit needs no help to display it, though my enemies must use their tricks of rhetoric to conceal their base deeds behind a mass of words. Again, I have learned no Greek; I was not anxious to gain a knowledge which had done nothing to help its teachers in the pursuit of virtue. In the knowledge, however, hwich is far the most important for the state, I am a master. To strike the foe, to keep good watch, to fear nothing save disgrace, to bear heat and cold with equal patience, to make my bed on the ground, to undergo toil and hunger together, all this I know, and with this teaching I shall exhort my soldiers. Nor will I treat them with stringency, myself with indulgence, nor claim the glory and leave them the toil. To refrain from such conduct is to rule with efficiency and moderation. To live in luxury youself while you coerce your army by punishments is to act the tyrant, not the general. by such conduct as I have praised your ancestors won renown for themselves and the state. In reliance on their glory a nobility, their very opposite in character, now scorns us who emulate these men of old, and claims of you every post of honor, not for any service rendered, but simply as its due. Truly these arrogant nobles make a deep mistake. Their ancestors left them everything that could be left--wealth, pedigree, and their own glorious memory. Their merit they did not, and could not bequeath them; that alone is neither given nor received. They call me mean and unpolished, because I am no adept at tricking out a feast, keep no actor, no cook more highly paid than my bailiff. Romans, I am proud to confess such conduct. The lesson I learned from my father and other pious men was that graces befitted a woman, toil a man, and that the good should be always richer in glory than in wealth; arms, not ornaments, are the true honors. Let the nobles, then, continue to follow the course they delight in and prize; let them live and drink; in the scenes of rivalry where they spent their youth there let them pass their old age, the slaves of their belly and their lust; and the sweat and dust, and the like, let them leave to us who find more joy in them than in the feast. But this they will not do. When they have disgraced themselves with every crime, these vilest of men come to seize the prizes of the good. In defiance of all justice, those outrageous vices, luxury and sloth, are no obstacle to the men who practice them, while they are the destruction of the guiltless state."
   "I have answered my enemies with a brevity which suits my own character better than such a theme as their misconduct; I will now say a few words on public affairs. In the first place, Romans, be of good heart as regards Numidia. Hitherto Jugurtha has been protected by the avarice, unskillfulness, and arrogance of your generals, and all these you have now removed. In the second place, you have an army there, acquainted with the country, but, I profess, more vigorous than fortunate; for a great part of it has been wasted away by the corruption or rashness of your commanders. I ask such of you, therefore, as are of military age to join your efforts with mine, and protect the state. Let no one take alarm from the misfortunes of others, or from the arrogance of generals. I shall be with you in person on the march, and in the field, at once to consult your interests and to share your dangers; I shall treat you in all respects the same as myself; and with the help of the gods, victory, booty, renown, are all ready to our hand. Even were they doubtful or distant, it would yet be the duty of every honest man to support the state. Cowardice never yet gained a man immortality, nor has any parent yet asked for his children that they might exist forever; they ask that may live out their life in uprightness and honor. Romans, I would say more, could words inspire the timid with courage; for the brave man I think I have said fully enough."

   LXXXVI. After a speech of this kind, Marius, when he saw the enthusiasm of the commons aroused, hastily loaded ships with provision, pay, arms, and other requisites, and ordered his lieutenant, Aulus Manlius, to set out in charge of them. Meanwhile he himself levied soldiers, not, according to ancient custom, from the classes, but simply as they volunteered, and, for the most part, men of no fortune. Some asserted that this course was taken owing to the scarcity of respectable recruits, others traced it to the consul's desire for popularity, inasmuch as it was by men of this description that his renown and dignity had been given him, while the seeker for power ever finds his readiest instrument in the needy wretch, who, in his destitution, has no home to hold dear, and thinks everything honorable that brings him gain.
   Marius, therefore, set our for Africa with a force slightly in excess of that decreed him, and after a few days landed at Utica. The army was delivered to him by Publius Rutilius, the lieutenant of Metellus; for the general himself had avoided the sight of Marius, lest he should see the things of which his resolution had been unable to support the mere hearing.

   LXXXVII. With his legions and auxiliary cohorts at their strength, the consul marched upon a fertile district, well stocked with booty. He gave the whole of the plunder there taken to his soldiers, and then attacked some fortresses and towns which were neither well situated, nor manned for defense; he also fought many petty engagements at various points. Meanwhile his raw soldiers joined in battle without alarm, and saw that the runaways were either captured or killed, that the bravest man was the safest, and that the power of protecting his freedom, country, parents, and every other blessing, and of winning glory and wealth, all lay in a man's arms. In this way, recruits and veterans were soon welded together, and all became equally courageous.
   On learning of the arrival of Marius, the kings separated, and made their way to inaccessible districts. Jugurtha had determined on this course in the hope that it might be possible to attack the enemy in detail, and that the Romans, like most other soldiers, when relieved of alarm, would grow careless and disorderly.

   LXXXVIII. Meanwhile, Metellus had started for Rome, and was there, contrary to his expectation, received with the utmost rejoicing. Now that his unpopularity had faded away, he was equally beloved by the commons and the Senate.
   Marius now gave his mind with energy and foresight to the position alike of his own and the enemy's army, ascertained their respective advantages and drawbacks, set spies to watch the movements of the kings, forestalled their plans and treacheries, and left nothing unlooked to on his own side, or unmenaced on theirs. He had thus often attacked and routed on their march both the Gaetulians and Jugurtha, as they tried to plunder our allies; and, not far from Cirta, had stripped the king himself of his arms. Finding, however, that these exploits served rather to gain glory than to finish the war, he determined to invest, one after another, the cities which from their garrison or situation were most adapted for helping the enemy and injuring himself; Jugurtha would thus be deprived of his strongholds should he not interfere; or, if he did, would have to fight a battle. As for Bocchus, that king had sent numerous embassies to him, expressing his desire for the friendship of the roman people, and assuring him that he need fear no attack from his quarter. Whether in this he was feigning in order to make an assault the more dangerous because unexpected, or whether it was an outcome of the fickle character which made him love to be now at peace, and not at war, has not been ascertained.

   LXXXIX. The consul carried out his plan, and by marching on the fortified towns and strongholds wrestled them from the enmy, in some cases by force, in others by threats or promise of reward. At first he confined himself to insignificant ventures, thinking that Jugurtha would give battle in defense of his subjects. When he learned that the king was far away and engaged on other business, it seemed time to attempt greater and more difficult undertakings.
   In the midst of vast deserts there lay a strong and important town, named Capsa, founded, so tradition said, by the Libyan Hercules. Jugurtha had exempted its citizens from tribute; his yoke was light, and they were, therefore, the most loyal of his subjects. Against their enemies they were protected by walls, arms, and men, and, above all, by their inaccessible position. With the exception of the immediate neighborhood, the whole country was desolate, untilled, without streams, and made unsafe by serpents, which, like all savage creatures, become more dangerous by lack of food, while their nature, of itself a deadly one, is more quickened by thirst than by anything else. A great desire of mastering this place had seized Marius. It would be useful for the war, and at the same time the exploit appeared difficult, and Metellus, with great glory to himself, had taken the town of Thala, whose position and fortifications were very like those of Capsa, except that at Thala there were some springs not far from the walls, while the people of Capsa had only a single fount of running water, and that within the town; the rest of their supply came from rain. This inconvenience, both at Capsa and in all parts of Africa where men lived amid deserts far from the sea, was the more easiliy borne owing to the Numidian habit of feeding chiefly on milk and game, while they avoid salt and other stimulants of the palate. Food is to them the antidote of hunger and thirst, not an object of passionate extravagance.

   XC. To resume, the consul made every inquiry, and then, I suppose, placed his trust in heaven, for no forethought could enable him to make such sufficient provision against such obstacles. Besides those I have mentioned, he was assailed by a scarcity of corn; for the Numidians apply themselves more to raising fodder for their cattle than crops, and by command of the king had conveyed every blade to their strongholds; it was now, also, the height of summer, and the country at this season was parched and barren. In spite of these difficulties, Marius made such arrangements as his means allowed with great forethought; he assigned to the auxiliary cavalry the task of conveying all the cattle that had been captured on the previous days, ordered his lieutenant, Aulus Manlius, with some light cohorts, to proceed to the town of Laris, where he had stored pay and provisions, and announced that in a few days he would come to the same place in person in the course of his pillaging. With his real object thus concealed, he advanced towards the river Tanais.

   XCI. On his march he had each day equally portioned out the flocks among his army by centuries and squadrons, and saw that leather bottles were made out of the hides. In this way he lessened the effects of the scarcity of corn, and at the same time, in perfect secrecy, made preparations, soon to be of use, while finally, by the sixth day, when they reached the river, a great quantity of skins had been got ready. Marius now pitched his camp with only a slight fortification, and ordered the soldiers to take their food and be prepared to march exactly at sunset; all their baggage was to be thrown away, and they were to load themselves and their beasts with nothing but water. When it seemed time, he marched out of the camp, advanced throughout the night, and then came to a halt. He followed the same plan the next night, and on the third arrived, long before dawn, at some downs, distant not more than two miles from Capsa; there he concealed himself and all his forces as closely as he could. Day dawned, and the Numidians, who dreaded no attack, issued in numbers from the town, when suddenly Marius ordered all his cavalry and the swiftest of his foot soldiers to advance at full speed upon Capsa, and seize the gates. He himself hurried eagerly after them, and forbade the soldiers to go after booty. The townspeople became aware of his attack and the peril of their position; their great alarm, the suddenness of the calamity, and the fact that a part of their citizens were outside the walls and in the enemy's power, all compelled them to surrender. The town was, nevertheless, burnt, the adult Numidians slaughtered, all the others sold, and the spoil divided among the soldiers. This outrage on the laws of war was not caused by any avarice or wickedness on the part of the consul; it was due to the fact that the place, while useful to Jugurtha, was difficult for us to reach, and its inhabitants a fickle and treacherous race, restrained neither by kindness nor fear.

   XCII. Even before this Marius had been regarded as a great and illustrious general; now that he had accomplished such an exploit without loss to his soldiers, his fame rose still higher. Every error in his judgment was interpreted as a merit; the soldiers, who were mildly governed and at the same time enriched, praised him to the skies; the Numidians feared him as something more than man; and, in fine, allies and enemies alike, believed that he was either inspired or that, by the will of heaven, all things were foretold him.
   After the success of this undertaking, the consul marched upon other towns, captured by storm a few where the Numidians resisted, but found a greater number abandoned owing to the terror inspired by the fate of Capsa; these he destroyed with fire, and filled the whole land with sorrow and bloodshed. After gaining possession of many places, and mostly without loss to his army, he applied himself to another exploit, not, indeed, so perilous as that of Capsa, but no less difficult to achieve.
   Not far from the river Muluccha, which separated the kingdom of Jugurtha and Bocchus, there rose amid the surrounding plain a rocky mountain, broad enough at the summit for a fort of moderate size, and reaching to an immense height. A single narrow approach was left; all the rest was as precipitous naturally as if labor and design had been employed to form it. The fact that the king's treasures were stored in this place now led Marius to concentrate all his energies on its capture. Chance, however, was more instrumental than skill in bringing about a happy result. The fort was well supplied with men and arms, and had an abundance of provisions and a spring of water; the ground, too, was unsuited for the employment of ramparts, turrets, and other means of attack; and the path used by the garrison was extremely narrow, with a sheer descent on either side. Penthouses were brought up at great risk, but with no result; as soon as they had made a slight advance, they were destroyed by fire or showers of stones. The ruggedness of the ground prevented the soldiers from making a stand in front of their works, and they could not even labor amid the penthouses without danger. The bravest men were wounded or killed, and their loss increased the terror of the rest.

   XCIII. After many days had been spent in fruitless toil, Marius anxiously debated whether he should abandon the attempt, since all his efforts were in vain, or wait for the fortune whose favors he had often experienced. He had pondered his situation for many restless days and nights, when a certain Ligurian, a private in one of the auxiliary cohorts, happening to leave the camp to fetch water, at a point not far from the side of the fort, opposite to that on which the combatants were engaged, noticed some snails crawling amid the rocks, and, as he went after first one, then another, and then a larger number, in his eager gathering gradually climbed nearly to the summit. He at last remarked the loneliness of his situation, and man's inborn love of the difficult made him change his purpose. It happened that, just where he was, a huge holm oak had sprung up amid the rocks, growing for a little way horizontally and then taking a turn, and springing aloft in the natural direction of all plants. Clinging sometimes to the branches of this tree, at others to the jutting rocks, the Ligurian made his way to the level summit of the mountain, for the attention of all the Numidians was occupied with the combatants. After satisfying himself on all points which he thought might presently be of use, he now returned by the same way; not, however, carelessly, as he had ascended, but testing and examinig every inch. He then hastily sought an interview with Marius, informed him of his adventure, and advised him to assail the fort on the side by which he had made the ascent, offering himself to act as guide on the perilous journey. Marius sent some of those about him with the Ligurian to test his assurances, and these, according to their several characters, various reported the undertaking as difficult or easy. The spirit, however, of the consul was somewhat raised. From the trumpeters and hornblowers at his disposal he chose five of the swiftest, and sent with them four centurions as a guard. He ordered the whole force to obey the Ligurian, and fixed the following day for the attempt.

   XCIV. When he saw that the appointed time had arrived, and all the arrangements were complete, Marius advanced against the place. Meanwhile the scaling party, instructed by their leader, had changed their armor and accoutrements, and had bared their heads and feet, so as more easily to see and keep their footing amid the rocks. On their backs they carried their swords and shields, but these last were of Numidian make and formed of leather, both as being lighter and making less noise when struck. The Ligurian led the way and fastened nooses round the rocks and the projecting roots of ancient trees, so as by these supports to assist the soldiers in their ascent. Some were frightened by the strange nature of the track, and these, from time to time, he helped along with his hands. Whenever the ascent was somewhat steeper, he sent them on in front, one by one, without their arms, and then followed with these himself. Where the footing seemed doubtful, he was the first to test it, and by repeatedly climbing up and down in the same way, and then suddenly standing aside, inspired the rest with boldness. After a long and exhausting climb they at length arrived at the fort, and found it undefended on this side; its garrison, as on other days, had all gone to face the enemy. On hearing from messengers of the success of the Ligurian, Marius, although he had kept the Numidians fully engaged in battle the whole of the day, now redoubled his exhortations to his soldiers, and himself issuing beyond the penthouses, made his men advance under cover of their locked shields, and at the same time terrified the enemy from a distance by means of his catapults, bowmen, and slingers. The Numidians on previous had often overthrown or burnt the Roman penthouses, and were no longer in the habit of sheltering themselves behind their ramparts. Alike by day and night they moved to and fro before their wall, insulted the Romans, scoffed at Marius as a madman, threatened our soldiers with being made slaves to Jugurtha, and displayed all the insolence of success. Meanwhile, when all, both Romans and Numidians, were occupied in the battle, and our men were fighting vigorously for fame and dominion, the others for their own safety, the trumpets suddenly sounded in the rear. The women and boys, who had issued forth to see the fight, were the first to fly, and they were followed by those of the defenders nearest the wall, and finally by the whole body of armed and unarmed men. On this the Romans redoubled their efforts, scattered the enemy, whom for the most part they were content only to wound, made their way over the bodies of the slain, strove, in their eagerness for glory, each to be the first to reach the wall, and in not a single instance allowed plunder to delay them. Marius' rashness was redeemed by his fortune, and his fault redounded to his fame.

   XCV. While this affair was in progress, the quaestor, Lucius Sulla, entered the camp with a large force of cavalry, which he had been left behind at Rome to levy from Latium and the allies. Our subject thus brings this remarkable man to our notice, and it, therefore, seems fitting briefly to describe his character and accomplishments, as we shall have no other opportunity of speaking on Sulla, and Lucius Sisenna, who has composed the best and most painstaking treatise of any writer on this subject, seems to me hardly to have spoken his mind with freedom.
   Sulla, then, was nobly born, of a patrician house, and a family which the indolence of his ancestors had reduced to obscurity. He was as well versed in the literatures of Greece and Rome as the most learned, a man of great aspiration, eager for pleasure, yet more eager for fame, luxurious i his leisure, yet never suffering pleasure to withdraw him from his duties, except that he might have better consulted his honor in his married life. He was eloquent, shrewd, and an obliging friend, with a quite incredible skill in feigning and concealment, and of great generosity in many matters, and especially with regard to money. Before his triumph in the civil war, though the most fortunate of men, his luck never surpassed his energy, and many doubted whether he could more rightly be called the fortunate or the brave. As to his subsequent conduct I do not know whether its narration would be a more shameful or a more disgusting task.

   XCVI. When, as narrated above, he arrived with the cavalry in Marius' camp in Africa, Sulla was quite ignorant and unpracticed in war. In a short time, however, he became the most skillful soldier in the army. He addressed the men with kindness, granted many favors, both by request, and of his own accord, and was unwilling to receive those offered by others, though he returned these more readily than he did his loans; for his own part he never sought repayment, but rather was anxious to increase the number of his debtors. He would talk, both gravely and gaily, with the humblest, frequently visited the men at their work, on the march, and on guard, and all the time refrained from the vice of the meanly ambitious, and never injured the character of teh consul or any man of honor; he contented himself with allowing none to excel him in counsel or action, and with himself outstripping most competitors. By these services and accomplishments he quickly endeared himself to Marius and the soldiers.

   XCVII. Jugurtha had lost the town of Capsa and many other fortified important places, and with them great treasures; he now sent messengers to Bocchus, bidding him lead his forces into Numidia with all speed, as the time for battle had arrived. Learning that the king was hesitating and pondering in doubt on the respective advantages of peace and war, he again, as he had done before, bribed those about him, while to the Mauritanian himself he promised a third part of Numidia, to be surrendered on the expulsion of the Romans from Africa or the conclusion of a peace which should leave his dominions intact. Bocchus was enticed by the bribe, and joined Jugurtha with a great host.
   The two kings united their armies and attacked Marius, who was already setting out for his winter quarter, when hardly a tenth part of the day was left, thinking that the night, which was already falling, would protect them if worsted, while, if victorious, their knowledge of the country would prevent its hampering them; the Romans, on the other hand, they thought, would in either event find their difficulties increased in the darkness. The consul had no sooner been warned from many quarters of the approach of the enemy than the enemy himself was upon him, and, before the army could be marshalled or collect its baggage; indeed, before it could receive any signal or command, thee Mauritanian and Gaetulian cavalry in no line or order of battle, but in troops, just as chance had thrown them together, charged down upon our men. These were confused with the suddenness of the alarm, but nevertheless each remembered his courage, and either seized on his armor or sheltered from the enemy others so engaged. Some mounted their horses and advanced against the enemy, and the fight assumed the character rather of a contest with brigands than a battle. Foot and horse were mingled together without standards or ranks, slaughtering others and being themselves cut down. Many who were fighing desperately against the foe in front found themselves beset in the rear. Neither valor nor armor gave any real security, our men were outnumbered by their enemy and surrounded on every side. At last the Romans [whose knowledge, as a body, of war, was increased by the present mixture of] veterans and recruits, formed in rings, as chance, or the nature of the ground threw them together, and being in this way sheltered and in good order on every side, beat off the enemy's attack.

   XCVIII. Though beset by such a calamity, Marius was neither downcast nor inclined to respond. At the head of his own troop, which he had formed of brave soldiers rather than personal friends, he ranged over the field; at one moment helped some hard-pressed Romans; at the next charged into the thickest of the foe. His thought for his soldiers he showed by his valor, for in the general confusion he could give them no commands. The day was now spent, and the barbarians relaxed no effort, but rather pressed on more vigorously, believing, as the kings had told, that night was in their favor. At this point Marius took the best course the situation allowed, and, in order to provide his men with a refuge, seized on two neighboring hills, the one of which, though too small for a camp, possessed a bountiful spring of water, while the other was suited to his purpose, being for the most part lofty and steep, and thus requiring little entrenching. Ordering Sulla to bivouac near the spring with his cavalry, he himself gradually concentrated his scattered troops, whose confusion was fully equalled by that of the enemy, and led the whole force at a rapid pace to the hill. The difficult nature of the ground compelled the kings to desist from the battle; they did not, however, permit their men to retire to any distance, but encamped in loose order with their hosts surrounding the two hills. The barbarians then lit numerous fires, and throughout the greater part of the night rejoiced, according to their custom, with taunts and shouts; even their leaders grew insolent, and behaved themselves as conquerors, merely because they had not fled. The Romans, who were themselves in darkness and on higher ground, could easily watch their behavior, and were greatly cheered by it.

   XCIX. Marius, most of all, was encouraged by the inexperience the enemy betrayed, and ordered perfect silence to be kept, forbidding even the ordinary calls to be sounded at the different watches. As daylight approached and the enemy, already wearied out, had been now for some little while overpowered by sleep, [he suddenly ordered] the watches and, with them, the trumpeters of the cohorts, squadrons, and legions, all simultaneously [to] sound an alarm, and the soldiers [to] raise a shout and sally forth from the gates. The Mauritanians and Gaetulians, suddenly roused by an unfamiliar and terrifying din, could neither flee nor seize their arms, nor, in fact, take any action or measures for defense, to such an extent had the din and outcry, the absence of help, and the onset of our men, the confusion and panic, caused them all to be seized as with a kind of madness. To conclude, the whole army fled in utter rout; many arms and ensigns of war were captured, and more of the enemy were killed in this battle than in all those that preceeded it. Sleep and an unwonted panic hampered their flight.

   C. Marius now resumed his march to his quarters for the winter, which he had determined to pass in the seaports, for the sake of provisions. His victory made him neither remiss nor arrogant, and, as if in the presence of the enemy, he marched with his army in a hollow square; Sulla, with the cavalry, was on the extreme right; on the left was Aulus Manlius, with the slingers and bowmen, in charge also of the Ligurian cohorts; tribunes, with companies of light troops, were posted in the van and rear; while deserters, the men least valued and best acquainted with the country, spied out the enemy's line of march. At the same time the consul looked to every point himself, as if none other had charge of it; visited all the men, and distributed praise and blame as they were severally deserved. He compelled the soldiers to be armed and on the alert like himself, fortified the camp with the same care he displayed on the march, drafted cohorts from the different legions to keep guard at the gates, and cavalry from the auxiliary forces to patrol before the camp, and posted other troops on the rampart; the watches he went the round of in person, not so much from any mistrust as to the fulfillment of his orders, as from the desire to increase the willingness of his soldiers by showing them that their general shared equally in their toil. In fact, both at this and other periods [of the Jugurthine war], Marius maintained discipline rather by appealing to his men's sense of honor than by punishments. This conduct many traced to his desire for popularity, while some thought that had been from boyhood so inured to hardship and other miseries, as they are mostly accounted, that he now regarded them as pleasures. Be this as it may, the public interests were as well and honorably served as under the most tyrannical of commanders.

   CI. At last, on the fourth day, not far from Cirta, the scouts from all quarters presented themselves in haste, a certain sign that the enemy was at hand. Pouring in, as they did, from every side, and all with the same intelligence, they rendered it impossible for the consul to decide how to draw up his army for the battle; he therefore made no change in his formation, but stood his ground prepared for all emergencies. He thus baulked Jugurtha, who had divided his forces into four, under the idea that one or other of them must in any case take the enemy in the rear. Meanwhile Sulla, who was the first to be attacked, cheered on his men, and at the head of a troop formed in the closest order, charged the enemy in person, while the rest of his soldiers kept their position, sheltering themselves from the javelins darted from a distance, and cutting down any of the enemy who attacked them at closer quarters. While the cavalry were thus engaged, Bocchus, with the infantry whom his son Volux had brought up, and who, owing to a delay in the march, had been absent from the former battle, charged his Roman rear. Marius at this moment was occupied in the front, as there Jugurtha was attacking with the strongest division. The Numidian now learned that Bocchus had arrived, and, with a few attendants, wheeled round, unnoticed, to the infantry. There he shouted in Latin, a tongue which he had learned to speak at Numantia, that our soldiers were fighting in vain, as a moment before he had slain Marius with his own hand, as a moment before he had slain Marius with his own hand, at the same time displaying a dripping sword, which in the course of battle he had stained gallantly enough with the blood of our infantry. On hearing his words, our men were panic-stricken, though rather by the hideousness of such a calamity than from belief in the news. The barbarians at once plucked up their courage, and pressed the frightened Romans more fiercely. They had nearly reduced them to flight, when Sulla returned from crushing the enemy against whom he had ridden, and charged the Mauritanians on their flank. Bocchus rode off immediately, but Jugurtha, in his eagerness to uphold his men and to cling to the victory he had so nearly won, was hemmed in by the cavalry, and when all, both to his right and left, had been cut down, eluded the enemy's javelins and broke alone through their midst. Meanwhile Marius, after routing the cavalry, hastened to the assistance of his comrades, of whose straits he had just been informed. This completed the rout of the enemy. A dreadful scene then ensued in the open plains; there was flight and pursuit, slaughter and capture, horses and riders dashed to earth, and many a wounded man, with no strength to fly or patience to lie still, struggling to rise and forthwith fainting back; as far as the eye could reach, the whole country was strewn with weapons, armor, and corpses, and between them appeared the blood-stained earth.

   CII. Henceforth indisputably victorious, the consul now made his way to Cirta, whither from the outset he had directed his march. To this place, five days after the second defeat of the barbarians, came ambassadors from Bocchus entreating Marius in the king's name to send him two trusty envoys, as he wished to confer with them both on his own position and on the interests of the Roman people. Marius immediately ordered Lucius Sulla and Aulus Manlius to proceed to the king, and they, although they had come by request, nevertheless determined to address the king in order to alter his disposition if hostile, or if they found him desirous of peace, to further kindle his eagerness. Accordingly, Sulla, to whose eloquence, not to his years, Manlius gave way, spoke briefly to the following effect:--
   "We greatly rejoice, King Bocchus, that heaven has warned a man of your parts at last to prefer peace to war, and, by avoiding the pollution of your own nobility by association with the utter vileness of Jugurtha, to release us from the cruel necessity of bringing your mistake and his wickedness to a common punishment. From the very beginning of their empire the Roman people has thought it better to seek friends than slaves, and has deemed it safer to rule by goodwill rather than compulsion. To yourself, nothing can be more convenient than our friendship; in the first place, our distance from you will make collisions almost impossible, while our goodwill will be as effectual as were we your neighbors; in the second, we have subjects in abundance, of friends neither we nor any that ever lived have had enough. Would that you had seen the wisdom of this course from the beginning! Had you done so, you would by this time assuredly have received more favors from the Roman people than, as it is, you have suffered ills. Fortune, however, is ruler over all, and she, it seems, has seen fit that you should experience both our power and our goodwill. Now, therefore, that you have her permission, hasten and advance on the road you have entered. You have in your power many means of outweighing your errors by your services. Let this thought sink into your breast, that the Roman people was never outdone in a contest of kindness; its power in real war you have learned for yourself."
   To this speech Bocchus made a peaceful and courteous reply, and at the same time touched briefly on his offense. He had taken up arms, he said, in no hostile spirit, but for the defense of his kingdom; a part of Numidia, whence, as he contended, he had forcibly expelled Jugurtha, had, according to the laws of war, become his own, and it was impossible for him to allow Marius to lay it waste. He alluded also to the refusal of alliance when he had previously sent an embassy to Rome, but expressed a wish to bury the past, and, for the present, if he had Marius' permission, to send an embassy to the Senate. Leave was granted; but Jugurtha had learned of the embassy of Sulla and Manlius, and, fearing the very projects which were actually on foot, had bribed the friends of Bocchus, and these now led the barbarian to alter his resolve.

   CIII. Meanwhile Marius, after settling his army in huts for the winter, marched with the light cohorts and a party of the cavalry to the desert country to besiege one of the royal forts, in which Jugurtha had placed the whole of his deserters as a garrison.
   Bocchus now once more, either from considering what had been the issue to him of the two battles, or by the advice of other friends whom Jugurtha had left unbribed, chose from among his intimates five of proved loyalty and great ability, and bade these proceed as ambassadors to Marius, and subsequently, if advisable, to Rome; giving them full power of treating and of concluding the war in any way they could. The ambassadors set ot betimes for the Roman winter quarters, but on their way were beset and plundered by Gaetulian brigands, and escaped trembling and in sorry plight to Sulla, whom the consul, on setting out for his expedition, had left in command as propraetor. Sulla received them not as their condition warranted, as imposters and enemies, but with an elaborate and unstinted courtesy, which made the barbarians believe that the reputation of the Romans for avarice was undeserved, and that Sulla, since he showed them such generosity, was their friend. Even as late as this many still understood nothing about bribery, and thought that no one was generous except outof a corresponding goodwill, and regarded all gifts as tokens of kindness. The ambassadors explained to the quaestor the instructions they had received from Bocchus, and at the same time begged of him his patronage and advice, magnified the king's resources, loyalty, and greatness, and touched on other points which they thought likely to be of use or to conciliate. Sulla promised them everything, and, instructed by him how to address both Marius and the Senate, they remained where they were for about forty days.

   CIV. On returning to Cirta, unsuccessful from his enterprise, Marius was informed of the arrival of the ambassadors, and ordered them to accompany Sulla to Utica. He also summoned Lucius Belienus, a praetor, and all persons in the country of senatorial rank, and in the presence of these received the message of Bocchus. The consul granted the ambassadors leave to proceed to Rome; meanwhile, they asked for a truce. This Sulla and the majority of the council were in favor of granting; a few voted for a more arrogant course, ignorant, we may presume, of human fortunes, which in their unstable and fluctuating nature are ever shifting to opposite poles. After obtaining all their requests, three of the Mauritanians set out for Rome with Gnaeus Octavius Ruso, who, as quaestor, had brought pay-money to Africa; the other two returned to the king. From these Bocchus heard with pleasure all their news, and especially of the kindness and zeal of Sulla in his service. At Rome, his ambassadors, after owning that the king had erred and been led away by the wickedness of Jugurtha, entreated for an alliance of friendship, and received as answer that "The Senate and people of Rome are wont to remember services both good and ill. To Bocchus, inasmuch as he repents, they accord pardon for his fault; an alliance of friendship will be granted when he has deserved it."

   CV. Immediately on learning this answer, Bocchus besought Marius by letter to send Sulla to him, that under his guidance measures might be taken to settle the points at issue. Sulla was now dispatched with an escort of cavalry, foot soldiers, and Balearic slingers, and with these there went a force of bowmen and a cohort of Paeliginians who, for the sake of expedition, wore the armor of skirmishers, by which they were as well protected as by any other kind against the [light] weapons of their enemies. When they had now been five days on the march, Volux, the son of Bocchus suddenly appeared on the open plain with not more than a thousand horsemen; but these by their confused and disorderly advance seemed both to Sulla and everyone else more numerous than they really were, and inspired a fear of hostilities. Each man, therefore, held himself in readiness, tested his armor, and prepared his weapons for use; some little fear was felt, but hope prevailed, as was natural with conquerors when confronted with an enemy they had often defeated. Meanwhile the horsemen who had been sent to the front to reconnoiter, reported, and truly, that the encounter was a peaceful one.

   CVI. Volux approached, and, addressing the quaestor, informed him that he had been sent by his father Bocchus at once to meet and escort him. During this and the following day the two forces mingled fearlessly together, but later on, when the camp had been pitched, and it was now evening, the Mauritanian suddenly hastened to Sulla with an agitated and frightened countenance, and, announcing that he was informed by the scouts that Jugurtha was not far distant, prayed and entreated him to escape secretly with himself under cover of night. Sulla haughtily replied that he had no fear of the oft-defeated Numidian, and had full confidence in his men's courage; even, he added, were certain destruction imminent, he would rather stand his ground than betray his soldiers and disgrace himself by flight in order to prolong the uncertainty of a life which soon, perchance, disease might terminate. Advised, however, by Volux to set out by night, he approved the plan, and immediately ordered that when the soldiers should have finished their suppers in camp, a number of fires be lighted, and the departure effected in silence in the course of the first watch. Exactly at sunrise, when all were tired with their night march and Sulla was measuring out a camp, the Mauritanian cavalry reported that Jugurtha was encamped in advance of them at a distance of about two miles. The news became known, and now indeed our men were seized with terror, believing themselves betrayed by Volux and beset by an ambush, nor were there wanting some who demanded that he should be summarily punished and that so great a crime on his part should not be left unavenged.

   CVII. Sulla, however, although he took the same view of the case, defended the Mauritanian from harm. He exhorted his soldiers to keep a brave heart, and told them that a few men of energy had often fought with success against a host, that the less they spared themselves in the battle the safer they would be, and that no soldier who had armed his hand ought to seek for safety from his unarmed feet, while, in the height of his terror, he exposed the blind and undefended side of his body to the foe. He then, after loudly invoking heaven to witness the crime and treachery of Bocchus, ordered Volux, since he was found plotting against them, to leave the camp. Volux besought him with tears not to hold such a belief; no deceit, he assured him, had been used; the catastrophe had been brought about by the cunning of Jugurtha, whose spies had apparently acquainted him with their route. The king, however, he continued, had no large force at his disposal, he was dependent for all his hopes and resources on his father Bocchus, and, he believed, would not venture on any open attack in the presence of the latter's own son; the best course, it seemed to him, that they could take was to march openly through the midst of Jugurtha's camp; and he would either send his Mauritanians on in front or leave them where they were, and himself accompany Sulla without any escort. Under such circumstances his proposal was approved, and a start was at once made; their approach was unexpected, Jugurtha waited and hesitated, and, meanwhile, they passed him in safety. A few days afterwards they reached their journey's end.

   CVIII. On their arrival they found in frequent and familiar intercourse with Bocchus a certain Numidian, named Aspar, whom Jugurtha, on hearing of the summons to Sulla, had dispatched as an ambassador and secret spy upon the designs of Bocchus. They found also a certain Dabar, a son of Massugrada, and of the family of Massinissa, but of low birth on his mother's side [she having been his father's concubine], whose many good qualities had made him beloved and esteemed by the Mauritanian. Bocchus had proved this Dabar's loyalty to the Romans on many occasions, and therefore chose him to convey a message to Sulla announcing that he was ready to do whatever the Roman people wished. He further asked the general himself to fix a day, place, and hour, for a conference, and assured him that he had violated no single detail of their agreement, and that he need have no fear of Jugurtha's ambassador, who had been received solely to enable them to conduct their business with greater freedom, for this was the only way by which they could guard against the king's subtle attacks. I gather, however, that Bocchus was actuated rather by considerations of "Punic honor" than by these which he professed, and was at the same time amusing both the Romans and the Numidians with the hope of peace; he deliberated often and deeply whether he should deliver Jugurtha to the Romans or Sulla to him, and while his inclination was hostile, his fears pleaded our cause.

   CIX. Sulla replied to his message that he would speak briefly with him in the presence of Aspar, and hold the rest of their discussions in private or with as few witnesses as possible; at the same time he instructed him what answer to return. The meeting took place in the way he wished, and Sulla announced that he had come on a mission from the consul to ask whether Bocchus intended to maintain peace or war. On this the king, according to his instructions, bade him return after ten days; he had even yet not come to any resolution, but would give him an answer on the day named. They then separated and returned each to his own camp. When the night was far advanced Sulla was secretly summoned by Bocchus. Only trusty interpreters were admitted by either party, and, besides these, Dabar, a man of high character and liked by both parties, as a go-between. The king immediately began the following speech:--

   CX. "I never thought that it could happen that I, the greatest king in this land, and of all princes of whom I know, should owe gratitude to any private person. Indeed, Sulla, I profess that before I knew you, though I helped many at their prayer and others of my own accord, I myself needed the assistance of none. At the breach of such a custom others are wont to grieve, to me it is a pleasure; I am content that it may be my lot to have needed for a moment this friendship of yours, than which my heart holds nothing dearer. And this profession it is open to you to test: take and use my arms, men, money, whatever in fact you will, and never, while you live, think that my debt of gratitude to you is discharged. It will ever remain with me undimished, and, in a word, you shall never to my knowledge wish for anything in vain. To my thinking, it is less dishonorable for a king to be surpassed in arms than in generosity. As for your commonwealth, as guardian of those interests you have been sent hither, listen to the few words I have to say: I neither made war upon the Roman people, nor did I ever wish it to be made; I only used arms to protect my territory against an armed invader. This question, however, since you wish it, I pass over; as for your war with Jugurtha, carry it on as long as you please. I for my part will not cross the river Muluccha, the ancient boundary of my kingdom and that of Micipsa, nor will I allow Jugurtha to come on this side of it. Furthermore, if you make any request which you worthily prefer and I accord, you shall not leave my presence unsatisfied."

   CXI. To this speech Sulla replied briefly and moderately as touching himself, but spoke at length on the subject of the peace and their common interests. As the upshot he made it clear to the king that the Senate and people of Rome, inasmuch as they had proved their superiority in arms, would not regard his promises as any favor; that he must do something which they might see had been to their advantage rather than his own, and that this was perfectly easy for him since he had Jugurtha in his power: let him deliver Jugurtha to the Romans and their debt would be great; their friendship and alliance, and the part of Numidia which he was at present trying to obtain, would all come to him as a matter of course. The king at first gave a firm denial, alleging that the bonds of kinship and marriage, besides a solemn treaty, prevented his compliance; he had fears too, he said, lest if he should act treacherously, he might alienate the affection of his people, who loved Jugurtha and hated the Romans. At last, after many importunities he gave way, and promised to do everything as Sulla desired. They made such arrangements as seemed expedient for counterfeiting the peace for which the Numidian, in his weariness of war, was most desirous, and then after concerting their plot, departed their several ways.

   CXII. On the next day Bocchus summoned Aspar, Jugurtha's ambassador, and informed him that through Dabar he had learned from Sulla that the war could be brought to an end on certain conditions, and that he therefore wished him to ascertain the views of his king. Aspar was overjoyed and set out for the camp of Jugurtha. When he had been duly instructed on all points by that king, after eight days he returned in haste to Bocchus, and informed him that Jugurtha was anxious to comply with every demand, but had little faith in Marius as he had often made previously fruitless treaties of peace with Roman generals: if Bocchus wished to act in the interests of both and gain a secure peace, he should contrive a meeting of all the parties as if for a conference on the question of peace, and should then betray Sulla to himself: when he had a man of such importance as a prisoner, a treaty would soon be concluded at the bidding of [the Senate or] people [of Rome]; a man of noble birth would not be left in the hands of enemies, into whose power he had fallen, by now cowardice of his own, but in the service of the state.

   CXIII. The Mauritanian long deliberated on this proposal, and at length promised to carry it out. Whether in this case his hesitation was real or assumed my information does not say. The caprices of kings are as unstable as they are strong, and often clash with each other. Later on, the time and place for the assembly of the conference on the subject of peace was settled, and Bocchus addressed himself now to Sulla, now to the enjoy of Jugurtha, treated each with courtesy, and made them both the same promise. They, on their side, were equally delighted and full of hope. On the night which preceded the day appointed for the conference, the Mauritanian is said to have first summoned his friends, and then, suddenly changing his mind, to have bidden them withdraw, and to have long debated the problem with himself, while his countenance and glance changed with each turn of his thought, and, despite his silence, laid bare the secrets of his breasts. At last he ordered Sulla to be summoned, and planned the treachery against the Numidian, according to his wish. At last day came, and it was announced to him that Jugurtha was not far off. Accompanied by a few friends, and by our quaestor, as if to pay the king the compliment meeting him on his way, he advanced to a hillock within easy view of the men in ambush. The Numidian, with most of his intimates, approached the same place, according to the agreement, unarmed. The signal was immediately given, and he was attacked by the ambush upon every side. His companions were all cut down; Jugurtha himself was delivered in bonds to Sulla, and by him conducted to Marius.

   CXIV. During this same period the Roman generals Quintus Caepio and Gaius Manlius were defeated in a battle against the Gauls, and all Italy trembled in the panic thus occasioned. From that day down to our own times the Romans have believed that, while their courage can surmount all else with ease, with the Gauls their contest is for preservation, not for fame. In the present crisis, when it was announced that the war in Numidia was ended, and that Jugurtha was being brought in chains to Rome, Marius was elected consul in his absence, and Gaul decreed to him as his province. On the first of January the general who had won such renown, and was now consul for the second time, celebrated his triumph. At that crisis the hopes and the resources of the state were alike centered in him.